Seattle's Hempfest turned 15 this year, and attendees at the world's largest marijuana "protestival" basked in the sun, sampled the delectibles, bought glass pipes by the truckload, listened to a stellar lineup of area and touring bands, and some even took in some serious drug policy reform speechifying. With attendance for the two-day annual event estimated at around 150,000 people, the physical space was cramped, but there was plenty of room for partying and politics.

Hempfest crowd shot (courtesy Hempfest)

Among those bands was Los Marijuanos, the bilingual hip-hop group describing themselves as "Mexican pro-pot poets." Los Marijuanos' pro-pot repertoire ranged from Cypress Hill-inspired stylings to remakes of classic ranchera tunes, much to the amusement and sometimes bemusement of the crowd.

While it may take on the appearance of a giant rock concert, Hempfest is at root about legalizing marijuana. In a city like Seattle, where residents approved a "lowest law enforcement priority" initiative in 2003, the battle is half won -- but only half won. Still, the ranks of the pro-marijuana legalization forces are growing, and who better to demonstrate that than the city's former police chief, Norm Stamper?

Stamper, a member of Law Enforcement Against Prohibition, has emerged as a leading police critic of the drug war and certainly warranted the main stage speaking slot (among others) he got. Seattlites who remember Stamper primarily as the head cop during the World Trade Organization riots in 1999 were in for a surprise.

Stamper talked about police officers he knew or commanded who were killed or injured enforcing the drug laws, and he talked about the futility of that policy. "It's laughable when people say we are winning the drug war," he said. "We need to legalize all drugs. Police should be focused on violent crime," he told the crowd.

Stamper wasn't the only big name drug policy reformer attending Hempfest; in fact, it would probably be quicker to name those who were not present. They held forth in the Hemporium, a large tent strewn with carpets, where festival goers could wander in and get a taste of what leaders like Ethan Nadelmann of the Drug Policy Alliance, Rob Kampia of the Marijuana Policy Project, Keith Stroup, the founder of the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws, or DRCNet's David Guard are thinking these days.

But the crowds at the Hemporium were small. For most people, Hempfest is a party, a chance to see some bands, and yes, a celebration of cannabis culture, but that doesn't necessarily imply an especially elevated political consciousness. Structured as an all-volunteer event free to the public, Hempfest attracts many whose commitment to the cause could be seriously challenged if they had to pay an entrance fee.

"I'm here for the weed and the bands and the girls, man," laughed one red-eyed, shirtless young man sporting a top hat. "Pot is cool. Hempfest is cool," he told Drug War Chronicle. But when asked if he had put a dollar in one of the ubiquitous donation buckets being toted around by volunteers, he merely shrugged.

Indeed, if there were one constant at Hempfest other than the sweet smell of burning sinsemilla it was the unrelenting call from festival volunteers for donations. With a budget in the hundreds of thousands of dollars, Hempfest relies on its crowd for support, but if the ominous rumblings from Hempfest director Vivian McPeak and the legion of volunteers are to be heeded, the crowd is not coming through with enough dollars to ensure Hempfest will be back next year. Is it time to start charging admission?

O secretário de estado do Colorado anunciou na quarta-feira que uma iniciativa que legalizaria o porte de até trinta gramas de maconha para pessoas com 21 anos ou mais entregou assinaturas suficientes para entrar na votação de Novembro. Organizada pela SAFER Colorado, o grupo que alcançou uma vitória-surpresa com uma iniciativa pró-legalização no ano passado em Denver, a Iniciativa de Igualação do Álcool e da Maconha do Colorado [Colorado Alcohol-Marijuana Equalization Initiative] levaria o estado à linha de frente da reforma da legislação sobre a maconha simplesmente por mudar uma sentença nos estatutos estaduais.

O anúncio aconteceu menos de duas semanas depois que a SAFER Colorado entregou mais de 130.000 assinaturas, bem mais do que as 80.000 necessárias para se classificar para as urnas. A secretaria de estado certificou a medida para a votação com base numa amostragem estatística das assinaturas.

"Estamos felicíssimos", disse Steve Fox da SAFER Colorado. "Tivemos muito mais assinaturas do que precisávamos e isso nos permitiu conseguirmos esta classificação rápida ao invés de termos a secretaria de estado examinando as nossas petições linha por linha", disse ele à Crônica da Guerra Contra as Drogas.

A iniciativa, que será conhecida como Emenda 44 na votação, pede que os eleitores votem sim ou não na seguinte pergunta: "Deve haver uma emenda à seção 18-18-406(1) dos estatutos revisados do Colorado que legalize o porte de trinta gramas ou menos de maconha para qualquer pessoa com vinte e um anos ou mais?"

Segundo a lei atual do Colorado, o porte de até trinta gramas de maconha é uma contravenção de Classe 2 punível por multa de até $100. De acordo com os empregados legislativos que prepararam uma análise da iniciativa, uns 3.700 adultos foram condenados por porte simples de maconha no ano passado.

Agora, o Colorado se junta a Nevada como estados em que os eleitores decidirão neste mês de Novembro se reformarão radicalmente as leis sobre a maconha. Em Nevada, o Marijuana Policy Project (MPP) e seu afiliado local, o Committee to Regulate and Control Marijuana, estão fazendo pressão por uma iniciativa que não apenas legalizaria o porte de até trinta gramas, mas também permitiria as vendas reguladas de quantidades iguais.

O MPP não está envolvido no esforço do Colorado, mas espera que tenha sucesso, disse o diretor de comunicação Bruce Mirken. "Isto foi uma surpresa", disse ele à Crônica da Guerra Contra as Drogas. "Desejamos o melhor. Ninguém deve menosprezar esta gente - eles surpreenderam todo o mundo com o seu sucesso em Denver no ano passado".

Estranhamente, essa vitória instigou o esforço em todo o estado. Depois que os cidadãos de Denver votaram a favor do decreto-lei, os oficiais municipais da lei se recusaram a obedecê-la, escolhendo processar as pessoas de acordo com a lei estadual. A SAFER Colorado quer tirar essa opção. Se a medida for aprovada em Novembro, as comunidades no Colorado que queiram leis mais severas contra a maconha teriam que aprovar decretos-lei municipais e acusar os infratores de acordo com elas.

A campanha continuará enfatizando o seu tema provado de que a maconha é mais segura que o álcool e que, pelo menos, não deveria ser tratada com mais severidade. Esse tema ressoou com força junto aos estudantes na Universidade do Colorado e na Universidade Estadual do Colorado, ambas as quais aprovaram resoluções não-compulsórias que pedem a igualação das penas, assim como junto aos eleitores em Denver no outono passado.

O diretor de campanha da SAFER Colorado, Mason Tvert, tratava disso na quarta-feira. "A campanha dará destaque à hipocrisia das leis que proíbem o consumo de maconha enquanto que permitem e até encorajam o consumo de álcool, uma droga infinitamente mais nociva", disse numa declaração saudando o anúncio da secretaria de estado.

Agora, chegou a hora de ganhar a eleição, disse Fox. "Estamos realizando uma campanha de captação de recursos para que possamos distribuir os nossos materiais e divulgar a nossa mensagem", disse. "Temos muitos artigos divertidos - camisetas, broches, adesivos - que visam às pessoas que nos apóiam, mas que não necessariamente votam sempre. É nosso dever sair e votar e faremos o possível para incentivá-los".

Será uma batalha difícil de vencer em Novembro. Na única pesquisa sobre a medida feita até o presente momento, o Denver Post descobriu que ela perde por 51% a 37%. Mas Fox examinou esses dados e ficou otimista.

"Achamos que isso é muito bom enquanto entramos nesta campanha", disse. "Se apenas 51% apóiam a proibição da maconha antes que tenhamos começado a divulgar a nossa mensagem, achamos que temos uma chance muito boa de vencer. Ouça, a SAFER é o Barry Goldwater da maconha. Mesmo se não vencermos desta vez, estamos dizendo o que deveria ser feito com a confiança de que o povo sairá a favor da nossa posição. É uma verdade inegável que a maconha é menos nociva do que o álcool", disse. "A nossa campanha é aqui no Colorado, mas isto se trata de acabar com a proibição da maconha por todo o país, não apenas em um estado. Estamos metidos nisto para vencer com tudo a que temos direito".

Uma vantagem da campanha é a falta de qualquer oposição organizada até agora. "Temos uma senhora louca antidrogas que faz barulho, mas ela não é uma opositora sofisticada", disse Fox. "Nós vimos um guerreiro antidrogas estabelecendo um comitê aqui no Colorado e há rumores de que o procurador-geral planeja reunir um grupo de oposição possivelmente formado de oficiais da lei, mas isso ainda não aconteceu", explicou. "Esperamos que os oficiais da lei compreendam que eles são os impositores da lei, não os legisladores, e que eles devem permitir que as pessoas decidam quais serão as leis".

O apelido oficial do Colorado é o Estado Centenário [Centennial State], mas uma de suas alcunhas não-oficiais é a do Estado Mais Alto [Highest State], com base em suas montanhas gigantes e sua elevação média. Se os eleitores do Colorado aprovarem a Emenda 44 em Novembro, sem dúvida nenhuma muitos considerarão que ele merece muito mais esse apelido.

In a closely watched case with national implications, a federal appeals court has granted a new trial to a well known Northern Virginia pain doctor sent to federal prison for 25 years as a drug dealer. Pain patient advocates and medical associations praised the ruling in the case of Dr. William Hurwitz, who was convicted in late 2004 of 50 counts in a 62-count indictment, including conspiracy to distribute controlled substances.

Hurwitz appealed his conviction, arguing that trial Judge Leonard Wexler erred by not instructing the jury that Hurwitz should not be convicted if he acted in "good faith." Typically in cases where the quality of medical care is in question, such matters are decided by medical boards or civil courts in the form of malpractice suits. Only doctors who are not prescribing in good faith that they are in line with accepted medical practices face criminal charges. In his jury instructions, Judge Wexler removed Hurwitz' only effective defense.

Dr. Hurwitz in 1996 (photo courtesy Skip Baker)

That is why even though even some questioned Hurwitz's prescribing practices, his appeal nevertheless won the support of professional organizations like the American Academy of Pain Medicine, the American Pain Foundation, and the National Pain Foundation, all of which filed briefs in his support. Also joining the fray was the Drug Policy Alliance, which filed its own brief on behalf of pain specialists.

A three-judge panel in the 4th US Circuit Court of Appeals in Richmond agreed with Hurwitz and his allies in its opinion Monday. The panel held that Judge Wexler had erred when he told jurors they could not consider whether Hurwitz had acted in "good faith" when he prescribed large doses of opioid pain relievers like Oxycontin to patients.

"A doctor's good faith in treating his patients is relevant to the jury's determination of whether the doctor acted beyond the bounds of legitimate medical practice," wrote Judge William Traxler. "The district court effectively deprived the jury of the opportunity to consider Hurwitz's defense." That was a fatal error, the panel held. "We cannot say that no reasonable juror could have concluded that Hurwitz's conduct fell within an objectively-defined good-faith standard," wrote Traxler.

"We are very gratified by this decision," said Dr. Jane Orient, executive director of the libertarian-leaning Association of American Physicians and Surgeons, a group that has been in the vanguard of the medical profession on the issue of protecting pain doctors and patients. "Overturning one of these verdicts is something that almost never happens, and we hope it represents a tipping point," she told DRCNet. "We hope that the courts will finally begin to pay attention to the fundamental issues of justice involved here. A doctor is not a drug dealer, and neither is he a policeman. Doctors cannot be held responsible for patient misbehavior."

"I'm delighted," said Dr. Frank Fisher, a California physician originally charged with five counts of murder over his prescribing practices by overzealous prosecutors and state agents, but who was eventually completely exonerated. "This means they will have to let Billy out. The appeals court was absolutely correct in its decision," he told DRCNet.

The appeals court decision is a victory for Hurwitz and his supporters, but it is only one battle in a larger war over who controls the prescribing of pain medications -- the medical profession or the cops -- and in the meantime, doctors and patients are the casualties.

"They are still harassing and investigating doctors," said Orient. "And that in itself can destroy your practice. There are still doctors languishing in prison because they tried to do their best for their patients and there are still patients having difficulty finding physicians willing to do the pain treatment necessary to make them functional instead of bed-ridden suicidal people in severe pain," she said. "More doctors are aware of the extreme risk they take in getting involved with chronic pain patients. The DEA wants them to treat patients like they were suspected criminals."

Fisher pointed to the case of Dr. Richard Heberle, an Ohio physician, of how devastating even defending oneself from such charges can be. "Look at what happened to Dr. Heberle," he said. "He won, but his practice is ruined, his reputation is ruined, his life is ruined. The only thing worse than winning one of these cases is losing one, or maybe coming down with a bad case of chronic pain."

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It's official. Local initiatives that would make adult marijuana infractions the lowest law enforcement priority will be on the November ballot in three California cities -- Santa Barbara, Santa Cruz, and Santa Monica -- and the college town of Missoula, Montana. Missoula County officials certified that effort Thursday, and certifications of the California local elections came in over the summer.

Santa Monica

In California, organizers in Santa Barbara, Santa Cruz, and Santa Monica also succeeded in gathering sufficient signatures to make the ballot. The three California local initiatives contain almost identical language and describe themselves similarly. As the Santa Monica web site notes, the initiative "makes marijuana offenses, where cannabis is intended for adult personal use, the lowest police priority" and "it frees up police resources to focus on violent and serious crime, instead of arresting and jailing nonviolent cannabis users."

The Santa Cruz initiative goes one step further by establishing an official city position in favor of marijuana legalization. "Voters in Santa Cruz are tired of the failed and immoral federal war on drugs," said Andrea Tischler, chair of Santa Cruz Citizens for Sensible Marijuana Policy. "Let's move to a more reasonable marijuana policy, and make sure that our police and courts are not wasting their time and resources arresting and prosecuting nonviolent marijuana offenders. By passing this initiative, Santa Cruz can be a beacon of light showing the way to a more sensible policy that is compatible with the values of the majority of citizens."

Lowest priority initiatives have already passed in Seattle and Oakland, which was the model and inspiration for this year's local California initiatives, as well as a handful of college towns around the country.

We've got us a Southern trifecta this week, with missing evidence in Alabama, a rogue task force in Mississippi, and, of course, a drug-dealing prison guard in Louisiana. Let's get to it:

In Tuskegee, Alabama, agents with the Alabama Bureau of Investigation are sniffing around the Tuskegee Police Department to see what happened to drugs and money allegedly missing from the evidence safe. The cops were tight-lipped, but "sources close to the case" told WSFA-12 News $26,000 in cash and an unknown quantity of drugs seized from alleged drug dealers has gone missing. According to WSFA, at least four drug cases may be in jeopardy. The Alabama Bureau of Investigation told the station the investigation could take another month.

In Hattiesburg, Mississippi, at least 34 drug cases were dismissed last month because deputies with the Southeast Mississippi Narcotics Task Force planted evidence on suspects or otherwise planted evidence, the Hattiesburg American reported Tuesday. Those deputies have been charged with crimes and were expected to plead guilty this week to charges including assault, obstruction of justice, and conspiracy. According to Parrish and Jones County Sheriff Larry Dykes, while the task force has been shut down, the drug problem remains, so he is forming a drug enforcement division in his department.

In Columbia, Louisiana, a former Caldwell Correctional Center guard was arrested Tuesday on charges he sold marijuana to jail inmates, KATC-TV reported. Dennis Cartridge, 23, was charged with possession of marijuana, malfeasance in office, introducing contraband into a correctional facility, and conspiracy to distribute marijuana. Cartridge, who had been a jail guard for only two months, is now sitting in a different jail trying to raise $15,000 to bond out.

The California Assembly Monday passed a bill that would allow farmers there to produce hemp oil, seed, and fiber for nutritional and industrial purposes. The bill, AB 1147, was sponsored by Assemblymen Mark Leno (D-San Francisco) and Chuck DeVore (R-Irvine), and passed by a margin of 43-28. It has already passed the state Senate and now awaits the signature of Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger (R).

hemp plants

Both hemp and marijuana are members of the cannabis family, but are different cultivars within that family. Hemp contains only trace levels of THC, the primary psychoactive ingredient in recreational marijuana, but its fibers are used in paper, clothing, car parts, and building materials, and its seeds and oils are used as food products.

"Hundreds of hemp products are made right here in California, but manufacturers are forced to import hemp seed, oil and fiber from other countries," said Leno during debate on the bill. "When this bill becomes law, it will be an economic bonanza for California."

The bill passed on partisan lines, with only one Republican joining Democrats to vote for it. GOP lawmakers resorted to Reefer Madness-style posturing to explain their opposition. "As a conservative Republican, I can't have my name attached to hemp," said Assemblyman Dennis Mountjoy (R-Monrovia). According to Mountjoy, the bill would make the fight against marijuana cultivation more difficult because hemp "sends off the exact same heat signal that is used to spot marijuana crops." Assemblyman John Benoit (R-Palm Desert) sang the same tune, claiming marijuana and pot plants are "indistinguishable."

But law enforcement officers in the 30 countries where hemp is grown legally seem to be able to tell the difference, a point that Assemblyman Leno made. The differences between marijuana and hemp are such that "a five-year-old could tell the difference... Law enforcement who have the gift of sight would have no trouble."

"We thank legislators from both parties that listened to the facts about industrial hemp and made an historic decision to bring back the crop," said Eric Steenstra, president of Vote Hemp, an advocacy group that supported the bill. "Passage in the California Legislature is a major accomplishment for the authors and sponsors of the bill, as well as for thousands of environmentally-conscious voters, farmers and businesses who wrote California legislators," says Steenstra.

No word yet on whether Schwarzenegger will sign or veto the bill.

A federal appeals court has held that police acted within the law when they seized nearly $125,000 in cash from a man's car during a traffic stop, even though no drugs were found in the car. A three-judge panel from the 8th US Circuit Court of Appeals found in US v. $124,700 in US Currency that the cash may have been linked to the drug trade, overturning an earlier decision by a US Magistrate Court judge in Nebraska.

House of Evil: the 8th US Circuit Court of Appeals

In court, Gonzolez testified that he had flown from California to Chicago and planned to use the cash to buy a refrigerated truck there, but when he arrived there, the truck had already been sold. He decided to drive back to California, but needed someone to rent a car because he had no credit card, he testified. Gonzolez said he lied about having the money because he feared carrying large amounts of cash could be illegal and he hid it in the cooler because he was afraid it might be stolen. He testified that he didn’t reveal the drunk driving arrest because he didn’t think drunk driving was a crime.

Gonzolez' tale may have been barely credible, but any positive evidence linking his stash of cash to drug trafficking was hard to come by. Still, the appeals court overturned the original decision. "We believe that the evidence as a whole demonstrates... that there was a substantial connection between the currency and a drug trafficking offense," the court wrote. "We have adopted the commonsense view that bundling and concealment of large amounts of currency, combined with other suspicious circumstances, supports a connection between money and drug trafficking."

That wasn’t good enough for dissenting Judge Donald Lay, who argued that there was no evidence linking the cash to drug trafficking. "At most, the evidence presented suggests the money seized may have been involved in some illegal activity -- activity that is incapable of being ascertained on the record before us," Lay wrote.

But what about the drug dog alerting on the cash and the car seat? "Finally, the mere fact that the canine alerted officers to the presence of drug residue in a rental car, no doubt driven by dozens, perhaps scores, of patrons during the course of a given year, coupled with the fact that the alert came from the same location where the currency was discovered, does little to connect the money to a controlled substance offense," Lay reasoned.

San Diego attorney Donald Yates, who represents Gonzolez, told the Associated Press they would appeal the decision. People who do not have credit or bank accounts and who must do business in cash are being treated unfairly, he said. "They do not allow for anybody to have a lifestyle different from the average person in Nebraska."

18 de Agosto de 1989: Luis Carlos Galán, candidato a presidencia de Colombia que habló a favor de la extradición, es asesinado en un mitin de campaña cerca de Bogotá. Esa noche, el Presidente Virgilio Barco Vargas emite un decreto de emergencia que restablece la política de extradición. En respuesta a eso, los "Extraditables" declaran guerra total contra el gobierno colombiano y empiezan una campaña de atentados/asesinatos que dura hasta Enero de 1991.

18 de Agosto de 1996: En San Francisco, una iglesia municipal distribuye marihuana a pacientes que tienen la recomendación de un médico después del interdicto temporal que cerraba el San Francisco Cannabis Buyers' Club. "Yo creo que la posición moral [en esta instancia] es infringir la ley para volver esta marihuana disponible", dijo el Rev. Jim Mitulski de la Iglesia Comunitaria Metropolitana de San Francisco. "La vitalidad espiritual de nuestra iglesia siempre ha venido de la voluntad de actuar donde las personas han sido reluctantes en actuar. Ésta no es una iglesia observadora".

20 de Agosto de 1990: El Comité de Operaciones Gubernamentales de la Cámara de los Diputados Federales lanza un informe sobre los resultados de la Operación Capa de Nieve [Operation Snowcap], el programa del gobierno Reagan-Bush que visa detener al flujo de drogas que entran en los Estados Unidos en su fuente. La meta de la [Operación] Capa de Nieve había sido eliminar los cultivos de coca, los laboratorios de procesamiento de cocaína, las franjas de cultivos clandestinos y otras operaciones del tráfico en los países productores de coca de Sudamérica. El informe descubrió que menos de uno por ciento de la cocaína de la región había sido destruida por esta campaña y que las autoridades en Bolivia, Perú y Colombia estaban profundamente involucradas en el tráfico de narcóticos.

20 de Agosto de 1994: El Guardian (UK) informa que Raymond Kendall, secretario general de la Interpol, dijo, "El proceso criminal de millares de ciudadanos obedientes a la ley todos los años es tanto hipócrita como una afrenta a los derechos individuales, civiles y humanos... El consumo de drogas ya no debería ser una infracción criminal. Soy totalmente contra la legalización, pero a favor de la despenalización para el usuario".

22 de Agosto de 2001: La Associated Press y la EFE informan que la Senadora colombiana Viviane Morales presentó un proyecto en el congreso que legaliza y reglamenta las drogas bajo monopolio controlado por el estado, llamando la prohibición de "el gran aliado de los narcotraficantes" y que su objectivo es "crear acciones políticas para abrir el debate sobre la legalización porque la alternativa prohibicionista no es la solución para Colombia".

22 de Agosto de 2003: David Borden, Director Ejecutivo de la Red Coordinadora de la Reforma de las Políticas de Drogas, escribe una carta abierta al Juez Jefe de la Corte Suprema del Distrito de Columbia, Rufus G. King III, declarando su rehúsa a prestar servicio de jurado. "[...] He determinado que las leyes injustas contra las drogas y la corrosión ocasionada por la guerra a las drogas en el sistema de justicia criminal como un todo me compelen a rehusar conscienzudamente el servicio de jurado", dijo Borden. Lea la carta completa en http://stopthedrugwar.org/openletter/judge-king-letter.shtml (en Inglés).

“Oficiales occidentales” anónimos en Afganistán están diciendo que el cultivo de adormideras del país ha aumentado desconcertantes 40% durante el año pasado a pesar de centenas de millones de dólares en financiación antinarcóticos y de millares de efectivos estadounidenses y de la OTAN en las zonas de cultivo, informó la Associated Press el miércoles. Dado lo que ellos están diciéndole a la AP, es comprensible por qué nadie quiere ser nombrado.

opio afgano

Afganistán ya responde por casi 90% de la producción global total de opio. Los lucros del cultivo y del tráfico son vistos generalmente como auxiliares en la financiación de los insurgentes del Talibán y de la Al Qaeda, quienes, junto con los narcotraficantes amenazados por la erradicación, están combatiendo las fuerzas afganas, estadounidenses y de la OTAN en una campaña cada vez más sangrienta centrada en las provincias sureñas cultivadoras de opio de Helmand y Kandahar. Los esfuerzos de erradicación también están surgiendo como espada de doble filo: Suprimir el cultivo avanza las metas de la guerra a las drogas, pero empuja los campesinos a los brazos de los rebeldes. De acuerdo con la ONU, el opio respondió por 52% del producto interno bruto de Afganistán el año pasado.

"Sabemos que si empezamos a erradicar toda la superficie de cultivo de adormideras en Helmand, aumentaremos la actividad de la insurgencia y aumentaremos el número de insurgentes", dijo Tom Koenigs, el alto oficial de la ONU en Afganistán y casi la única persona dispuesta a hablar oficialmente. Él le dijo a la comunidad internacional que necesita dar sustentos alternativos a los agricultores, pero hizo advertencias contra esperar resultados inmediatistas. "El problema ha crecido y el remedio tiene que ajustarse", dijo.

"Es un aumento considerable desde el año pasado... desdichadamente, es un año récord", le dijo un "oficial sénior del gobierno estadounidense sedeado en Kabul" a la AP. "Ahora, lo que ellos tienen es una narcoeconomía. Si no solucionan el problema de la corrupción, pueden volverse un narcoestado", advirtió. "Esperábamos un (cultivo) grande este año, pero desdichadamente Helmand excedió aun nuestras previsiones".

Si usted desea una foto instantánea del estado actual de la guerra a las drogas en el territorio estadounidense, la Comarca de Grayson, Tejas, es tan buen lugar como cualquier otro. La Comarca de Grayson queda más o menos a una hora de Dallas en la Autopista Federal 75 al sur de la frontera con Oklahoma. De acuerdo con el Censo de 2000 de los EE.UU., la comarca tiene una población de 110.000, con unas 35.000 personas en Sherman, el centro de la comarca y municipio más grande. La economía local depende de la agricultura, de la industria, y, cada vez más, del papel de la comarca como centro de distribución de drogas para la región de la frontera Texoma de la cual es parte. Y si las disposiciones jurídicas de la 336ª Corte Distrital sirven como indicio, o tiene un gran problema con la metanfetamina o el aparato de represión legal está obcecado con encontrar uno.

calle tranquila, pero palacio de justicia ocupado, gracias a la guerra a las drogas

Los jueces de la 336ª Corte Distrital les dieron duros golpes a los infractores de la legislación antimetanfetamina. De los 11 casos de simple tenencia de metanfetamina, cuatro recibieron sentencias de prisión con libertad vigilada, tres recibieron sentencias de cárcel (hasta dos años) y cuatro fueron mandados a la prisión por sentencias que varían de tres a seis años y tienen un promedio de 4 años y medio. Los tribunales fueron especialmente duros con la gente que buscaba comprar químicos para preparar metanfetamina en casa, dando sentencias de cuatro, siete y 10 años. El único preparador de metanfetamina recibió apenas 10 años de libertad vigilada, pero él también tuvo una sentencia de dos años de prisión por negligencia infantil.

Los jueces también fueron bien duros con otros infractores de la legislación antidroga. El único señor acusado de tenencia de marihuana en una zona libre de las drogas recibió dos años de cárcel estadual, en tanto que una persona condenada por tenencia de cocaína recibió seis años y el otro recibió libertad vigilada. El único caso de tenencia de cocaína con intención de distribuir le granjeó 10 años al reo.

Los casos que no trataban de drogas eran una mezcla heterogénea: una agresión sexual infantil con agravantes (15 años), un caso de robo de morada (nueve años), un caso de conducción intoxicada de barco (tres años), un abuso de tarjeta de crédito (16 meses), un caso de negligencia infantil (dos años), tres fugas de la detención con vehículo motorizado (dos recibieron dos años cada, uno recibió libertad vigilada), un caso de ausencia (tres años), un caso de falsificación (dos años), una retaliación (libertad vigilada) y un robo de más de $1.500 (15 meses).

Sin todos aquellos casos sobre la metanfetamina, el Palacio de Justicia de la Comarca de Grayson se quedaría mucho más tranquilo. En 13 de los 15 casos relacionados con la metanfetamina, no hubo ninguna otra acusación no relacionada con las drogas, apenas personas escogiendo una droga impopular para ingerir o intentar hacer en casa. Lo mismo pasa con los otros casos sobre drogas. Como los buenos burgueses en todos los Estados Unidos, los ciudadanos de la Comarca de Grayson están pagando un montón de dinero para detener, encarcelar, condenar y prender a muchas personas que no hacían nada a nadie.

Javier Arellano-Félix, un poderoso jugador en una de las organizaciones más potentes y violentas del tráfico de drogas de México, fue arrestado por la Guardia Costera de EE.UU. en aguas internacionales fuera de la costa del Golfo de California de México. Pero aun mientras los oficiales federales de la ley corren el riesgo de sufrir serios perjuicios con toda la conmemoración en su rueda de prensa conmemorativa el jueves, ellos reconocieron que su arresto resultaría en poca cosa.

cartel de la DEA

"El Tigrillo", como es conocido en México, fue uno de diversos miembros de la organización incriminados por un gran jurado federal en San Diego en 2003 bajo acusaciones de conspiración para contrabandear toneladas de cocaína para los EE.UU. Él puede recibir prisión perpetua aquí.

"En el mundo de la represión legal a las drogas, mejor imposible", le dijo John Fernandes, agente especial a cargo de la oficina de la Agencia de Represión a las Drogas (DEA) de San Diego, a una rueda de prensa. "Esto es importantísimo. La oportunidad de capturar a un señor del tráfico de drogas del calibre de Javier Arellano-Félix es un evento singular". Su captura marca "el fin de dos décadas de la organización más... poderosa y violenta del tráfico", añadió.

Y lo que eso significa en México es una nueva ronda de violencia mientras las organizaciones del tráfico en competición luchan para ganar ventaja de la brecha. Fernandes reconoció eso, diciendo que la disputa violenta por el poder es el resultado probable de la detención de Arellano.

Las autoridades tampoco esperan que su detención haga cualquier diferencia considerable. "En el tráfico de drogas no somos ingenuos lo suficiente para pensar que el tráfico de drogas va a detenerse", dijo el agente especial a cargo de la oficina municipal del FBI, Daniel R. Dzwilewski.

Pero qué buenas fotos.