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TABLE OF CONTENTS
-
No
Bark, Strong Bite: The Drug War and Elections 2000
-
Follow
That Story: "Riders" Take a Fall in Oakland Police Scandal
-
Follow
That Story: Police Shooter Indicted in Tennessee "Wrong Address"
Killing
-
US Commission
on Civil Rights Report to Urge Crackdown on Police Abuses
-
Drug Czar's
Public Affairs Director Thrown Off Microphone At Campus Politically Correct
Appearance
-
Follow
That Story: Tattered Cover Bookstore Will Appeal Court Order to Open
Records in Drug Investigation
-
Newsbriefs:
Federal Judges in San Diego Swamped by Drug War, Immigrant Arrests
-
The Reformer's
Calendar
(read last week's
issue)
(visit
the Week Online archives)
1. No Bark,
Strong Bite: The Drug War and Elections 2000
(this article commissioned
by Alternet, http://www.alternet.org)
Last week, in our pre-election
issue, DRCNet described drug policy in the 2000 elections as "The Dog That
Didn't Bark" -- a once inflammatory campaign issue that both major party
candidates almost completely avoided (http://www.drcnet.org/wol/158.html).
Yet a set of mostly successful
ballot initiatives around the country have enacted profound changes in
some states' drug policies. And if only by historical accident, drug
war opponents have become key swing voters on both sides of the political
divide in this year's presidential election.
This dog might not have barked,
but in some expected and unexpected ways, it did bite.
DRUG WAR AND ITS OPPONENTS
SWING FLORIDA VOTE
As this issue of The Week
Online goes to press, Gov. George W. Bush holds a tenuous 327-vote lead
over Vice President Al Gore in the final pivot state of Florida -- about
0.01% of the state's total vote. Three days after Election Day, "Too
Close to Call" is the headline flashing across TV news networks around
the dial.
327 is less than half the
size of DRCNet's readership in the state of Florida.
Drug reform organizations
did not stake out positions in this year's elections, and their memberships
are spread across at least four national political parties: Democrat,
Republican, Libertarian and Green.
The Libertarians and Greens,
however, have strong pro-reform drug policy planks, and they both received
enough votes to play a significant role in the outcome of the election,
even if the Republican-Democrat split had been less ludicrously close.
Libertarian candidate Harry Browne received 18,856 Florida votes, almost
58 times the current 327-vote split. The LP places a strong emphasis
on its opposition to drug prohibition, and many of its voters support them
for that very reason. Green candidate Ralph Nader, the leading figure
in this year's third-party insurgency, received 96,837 Florida votes, 296
times the current split. Nader also opposes the drug war, albeit
with less emphasis and ideological clarity than Browne. Some voters
chose the Green Party for that reason.
Libertarian and Green voters
may not have all moved the totals in the same direction. It is conventional
wisdom that many Greens represented votes that would otherwise have gone
Democratic. Libertarian voters, however, are drawn from both Republican
and Democratic camps, but probably more from Republican. The central
point still holds: Mainstream politicians ignore the views of drug
reformers at their peril. The same arguments, of course, could be
made for other causes as well. Reportedly, Florida medical marijuana
patients -- who were highly disappointed in Al Gore after he retracted
a previously favorable position on their issue -- are claiming that their
outreach work to thousands of Floridians swayed the vote.
Much more complex, and divisive,
than whether or not drug reformers had a measurable impact on the election
outcome, is the question of how best to direct future potential impact
to catalyze social change. Some reformers advocate voting third party,
some single issue, while others are working actively within the major parties
to change things, or feel that the stakes are too high to abandon one party
or the other, despite their uniform failure on drug policy.
The drug war took a bite
this election in another, more tragic way, this one affecting the Gore
candidacy almost exclusively. An article by Bruce Shapiro in Salon.com
pointed out that more than one third of African American men in Florida
have permanently lost the right to vote because of past convictions, under
the state's felony disenfranchisement law. A substantial percentage
were caught up in the system as a result of drug laws (http://www.salon.com/politics/feature/2000/11/09/nation/).
More than 90% of African Americans voted for Al Gore this election.
While it is not known what the voting turnout would have been among those
disenfranchised were they able to vote, only a modest percentage would
have been needed to turn the vote Democratic, given the closeness of the
Florida race.
VICTORIES, SOME DISAPPOINTMENTS
While the nation continues
to read tea leaves in Florida, members of the drug policy reform movement
are nearly unanimous in declaring the elections an overall victory for
the movement.
Of eight initiatives on state
ballots, six passed. The only defeats came in Alaska, where a very
loosely written marijuana legalization initiative went down with 40% of
the vote, and in Massachusetts, where an envelope-pushing asset forfeiture
and sentencing reform initiative sponsored by Campaign for New Drug Policies
(CNDP) 53-47%.
In post-election conversations,
various reformers also pointed to victories in Congress, where some noted
drug warriors were sent packing.
"We were disappointed in
Alaska," NORML Executive Director Keith Stroup told DRCNet, "but we are
cheered by the fact that Reps. Bill McCollum (R-FL) and James Rogan (R-CA)
and Sen. John Ashcroft (R-M)) all lost. McCollum was the worst,"
said Stroup, "absolutely terrible. Good riddance."
Stroup was part of a chorus
of critics of the Alaska's initiative's language, which included an amnesty
for marijuana offenders currently behind bars and a study of possible reparations
for those harmed by marijuana prosecutions.
"That was the most badly-written
initiative ever," said Stroup, "but we felt we had to support it.
And the fact that even written as it was, 40% of voters approved it, makes
me really optimistic that we can go back in two years and get it done."
In addition to the amnesty
and reparations provisions, Stroup also pointed to lack of clarity in how
marijuana would be distributed and the fact that it allowed 18-year-olds
to legally partake.
"Nobody knows how distribution
would have worked," said Stroup. "And Alaska has a recent history
of controversy over teen alcohol use, so even though it may make sense
to legalize consumption by 18-year-olds, it was something that dragged
the vote down."
Doug McVay of Common Sense
for Drug Policy (CSDP) agreed that the initiative was flawed, but also
was heartened by the results. "I entered the movement with the Oregon
decriminalization initiative in 1986," he told DRCNet. "We only got
27% of the vote. If this initiative, worded as it was, could get
40%, that's progress."
Stroup told DRCNet that NORML
would continue to work with Alaska reformers to get a revised legalization
initiative on the ballot in 2002. "We think we can win with a properly
worded initiative then," he said.
But it was Campaign for New
Drug Policies and Americans for Medical Rights, with their local organizations
and deep-pocketed troika of funders, who could justly claim the most success.
CNDP-supported initiatives won in California, Oregon and Utah, and AMR
medical marijuana initiatives won handily in Colorado and Nevada.
The only AMR-supported initiative to lose was the asset forfeiture and
sentencing reform effort in Massachusetts.
In a conference call with
reporters Thursday afternoon, AMR and CNDP's Bill Zimmerman said the initiative
victories represented "a turning point" for the drug reform movement.
In the same call, Lindesmith
Center/Drug Policy Foundation Executive Director Ethan Nadelmann concurred.
"Since 1996, we have won 17 of 19 drug reform initiatives. The momentum
is clearly on our side."
"We're also seeing a turn
around among elected officials," Nadelmann continued. "Charlie Rangel
(D-NY) and Jesse Jackson a decade ago were real drug warriors, now they
have turned around. And we have Maxine Waters and John Conyers who
are moving ahead on the issue."
Nadelmann also singled out
New Mexico Gov. Gary Johnson and Salt Lake City Mayor Rocky Anderson as
examples of elected officials now moving ahead on drug policy reform.
"Johnson has toned down his rhetoric," Nadelmann said, "and is moving ahead
on the ground, while Anderson has thrown DARE out of town and is now looking
at instituting harm reduction measures in Salt Lake."
NORML's Stroup agreed.
"From 1977, when Nebraska decriminalized possession, until 1996, we couldn't
win anything," he told DRCNet. "That trend has been almost completely
reversed since California's Proposition 215 in 1996."
Zimmerman told the conference
call that the Prop. 36 win was a victory of taxpayers, treatment providers,
and medical professionals over police and prison guards' unions and drug
court supporters.
Zimmerman talked up the widely
touted savings that the state will accrue and the fact that some 24,000
people arrested for drug possession will avoid prison each year.
But in an indication of a
split in the movement, some offered only half-hearted congratulations.
For CSDP's McVay, "Prop. 36 was half a victory. It will keep people
out of prison, and I'm for that," he told DRCNet, "but it also calls for
coerced treatment, which means people are still being arrested, and I'm
not for that."
(Technically, what Prop.
36 does is allow drug defendants to opt for treatment in lieu of incarceration.
Prop. 36 also provides improved drug process rights to individuals undergoing
court-ordered treatment. McVay's characterization is valid, however;
Prop. 36 is a good beginning for reformers, not a final policy goal of
the movement.)
McVay also viewed the California
victory as more of a taxpayer revolt than an indication that voters want
to be compassionate with addicts.
Nadelmann and Zimmerman told
the reporters that the Massachusetts measure most likely lost because of
its provision that would have allowed low-level dealers as well as drug
possessors to opt for treatment.
"That is where the opposition
attacked us with their ads," said Nadelmann. "It shows there is no
sympathy for drug dealers."
In response to a DRCNet question
about why AMR and Lindesmith/DPF did not support marijuana legalization
initiatives, Zimmerman had a blunt response. "They can't win," he
said, "we don't want to waste our time."
Indeed, the Alaska initiative
and other failed legalization attempts all failed to meet criteria laid
out by Zimmerman for garnering his organization's support. "We've
got to have polling showing 60% support for an initiative before we will
go with it," he said.
"We haven't seen that anywhere,"
he added.
Nadelmann, however, held
out something of an olive branch to marijuana legalizers. "Our big
funders are often portrayed as legalizers in the media," said Nadelmann,
"but two out of three are not. They may come around on marijuana
legalization, though."
As for the future, Zimmerman
and Nadelmann professed to have no firm plans yet. "It's two days
after the election," said Zimmerman, "and we will be concentrating on ensuring
that the initiatives that passed will be implemented."
Nadelmann, however, told
the conference call that he hoped that state legislatures and governors
would now follow the leads of voters and of politicians such as Hawaii
Gov. Benjamin Cayetano, who signed the nation's first legislatively-crafted
medical marijuana bill.
Dave Fratello of the Campaign
for a Sensible Drug Policy, the AMR-linked group behind California's Prop.
36 gave the Associated Press a hint of what may be to come.
"Michigan and Ohio are probably
the places where you have the largest number of people affected, and you
would send the loudest message. And they have the initiative process."
The biggest disappointment
for many drug reformers was the failure of the Democratic party to win
a majority of seats in the House of Representatives. Though reformers
are disenchanted with the top Democratic leadership, such a win for the
Democrats would have placed John Conyers in the chairmanship of the House
Judiciary Committee. Rep. Conyers has one of the best voting records
on drug policy and criminal justice in the House, and has shown growing
passion and support for ending the drug war. A Conyers chairmanship
could be an historical turning point in US drug policy, which now will
have to wait at least two more years.
INITIATIVE ROUNDUP
Last week, DRCNet endorsed
the following initiatives. Here is how they fared:
ALASKA: Marijuana
Legalization
failed: 39.56% in
favor, 60.44% opposed
Ballot Measure #5 would have
done away with civil and criminal penalties for persons 18 years or older
who use marijuana or other hemp products. It would also have granted
amnesties to persons previously convicted of marijuana crimes, and established
a panel to study the question of reparations for those harmed by marijuana
prohibition. DRCNet had no position on the panel but supported Measure
#5 because of its other provisions.
CALIFORNIA: Sentencing
Reform
passed: 60.8% in favor,
39.2% opposed
Proposition 36 will require
that those convicted of nonviolent drug possession offenses for the first
or second time be offered rehabilitation programs instead of state prison.
DRCNet's endorsement last
week of Prop. 36, and of Massachusetts Question 8, contained a minor inaccuracy
on a fine point of the law. The initiatives technically don't require
coerced treatment, but require that treatment be offered to drug offenders
who would otherwise have no choice but incarceration -- essentially coerced
treatment, but not exactly. DRCNet considers any criminal punishment
for simple drug use to be inappropriate, but endorsed Prop. 36 as a politically
realistic step in the right direction.
MENDOCINO COUNTY, CA:
Marijuana Decriminalization
passed: 58% in favor,
42% opposed
Mendocino County Measure
G will allow adults to grow 25 plants apiece, but not for sale. The
measure further directs the county sheriff and prosecutor to make marijuana
crimes their last priority and directs county officials to seek an end
to state and federal marijuana laws.
This measure is partially
symbolic, since state and local law enforcement can still prosecute marijuana
crimes, but will relieve some law enforcement pressure and help to fuel
debate.
COLORADO: Medical
Marijuana
passed: 54% in favor,
46% opposed
Amendment 20 provides for
legal medical marijuana use by patients with serious illnesses. Following
the Americans for Medical Rights (AMR) template, the measure sets low limits
of the quantity of marijuana and limits approved uses to certain illnesses
or symptoms specified in the initiative or added later by the state.
DRCNet did not endorse the
measure's limits on quantity and conditions which qualify, but supported
Amendment 20 because current Colorado has offers no such protections, and
some
protection for medical marijuana
patients is better than none.
MASSACHUSETTS: Sentencing
and Asset Forfeiture Reform
failed: 47% in favor,
53% opposed
Question 8 would have diverted
nonviolent drug offenders from prison to drug treatment at their request.
It would also direct forfeited proceeds to a drug treatment trust fund
and would require the civil equivalent of a guilty verdict before allowing
property to be forfeited, instead of the easier-to-obtain probable cause
rulings that suffice currently.
Other provisions, which ultimately
led to the initiative's defeat, would have provided the treatment option
to those arrested for low-level drug dealing as well as those arrested
for simple possession.
DRCNet endorsed Question
8, with the same qualification as stated above for California Prop. 36.
NEVADA: Medical
Marijuana
passed: 65% in favor,
35% opposed
Question 9 was the required
second round of popular voting to approve this initiative. When DRCNet
endorsed this measure last week, we mistakenly wrote that "the measure
sets low limits on the quantity of marijuana..." In fact, according
to CSDP's Fratello, any limits will be determined by the legislature.
OREGON: Asset Forfeiture
Reform
passed: 66% in favor,
34% opposed
Ballot Measure 3 will hold
the state government to stricter standards of proof that property was the
proceeds of crime or used to commit a crime. It also bars forfeiture
unless the owner of the property is first convicted of a crime involving
the seized property. Law enforcement would be restricted to claiming
no more than 25% of seized assets.
UTAH: Asset Forfeiture
Reform
passed: 68.9% in favor,
31.1% opposed
Initiative B will hold the
state government to stricter standards of proof that property was the proceeds
of crime or used to commit a crime. It also bars forfeiture unless
the owner of the property is first convicted of a crime involving the seized
property. Profits from seized assets will be deposited in the school
fund.
CANDIDATE ROUNDUP
DRCNet does not make endorsements
in races for elective office, but we herewith provide you with selected
results from races where either drug reformers or their foes were up for
election:
CALIFORNIA: US Senate
Republican Congressman Tom
Campbell ran on a strong drug reform platform, but could not overcome the
well funded, long time incumbent, Diane Feinstein. Campbell lost
56%-36%. Libertarian and Green Party candidates picked up 5% of the
vote. Reformers have at least temporarily lost one of their few Republican
allies in Congress (district 15).
CALIFORNIA: 27th
Congressional District
Republican drug warrior
Jim Rogan lost his seat to challenger Adam Schiff. Rogan, who had
supported medical marijuana in the California legislature, earned drug
reformers' scorn by switching his position immediately upon being elected
to Congress. As a member of the House Judiciary Committee, Rogan
went so far as to support an amendment opposing even research on medical
marijuana.
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA:
Activists Rob Kampia and Matt Mercurio's "Stop the Drug War" campaign for
US Delegate (DC's non-voting Congressional representative) and at-large
City Council garnered 4,378 votes (Kampia) and 5,477 (Mercurio), under
the auspices of the Libertarian Party. While falling short, this
first time, of the 7,500 votes needed to secure major party status and
eliminate future signature gathering requirements, the campaign garnered
substantial media coverage and raised awareness of the issue in the shadow
of the federal government.
FLORIDA: US Senate
Drug war zealot Republican
Rep. Bill McCollum ran for the seat vacated by retiring Republican Connie
Mack. He was defeated by Democrat Bill Nelson, 51%-46%.
KENTUCKY: 6th Congressional
District
Drug warrior Republican
Ernie Fletcher fended off Democratic challenger Scotty Baesler and insurgent
Reform Party candidate Gatewood Galbraith, who ran on a pro-gun, pro-marijuana
platform. The vote favored Fletcher, 51%-35%-12%.
MISSOURI: US Senate
Incumbent Republican drug
warrior John Ashcroft lost to the late Gov. Mel Carnahan, 50%-48%.
It is anticipated that the acting governor will appoint Gov. Carnahan's
widow to the seat, to serve until another election is held two years from
now.
2. Follow
That Story: "Riders" Take a Fall in Oakland Police Scandal
The Week Online reported
two weeks ago that Oakland Police Chief Richard Ward had recommended that
four Oakland police officers known as "The Riders" be fired for numerous
acts of brutality and official misconduct (http://www.drcnet.org/wol/157.html#oakland).
Since then, the Alameda County
District Attorney's Office has charged the four with 63 criminal charges,
including 49 felonies, stemming from the criminal tactics they used on
their late-night patrols in West Oakland. The charges include conspiracy
to obstruct justice, kidnapping, assault with a deadly weapon, filing false
police reports, and making false arrests.
The Riders face from nine
to more than twenty years in prison if convicted of all charges.
The criminal charges are
not the only problem facing the four officers and the Oakland criminal
justice system. Although they are now on paid administrative leave,
the city of Oakland intends to fire them once their appeals are concluded.
The FBI has opened an investigation into possible civil rights violations
by the four. And a man who says the Riders framed him in a drug bust
has filed the first of what could be many civil rights lawsuits naming
the four and/or the Oakland Police Department.
Alameda County DA Tom Orloff,
meanwhile, told the Los Angeles Times on November 3rd that his office had
dismissed 23 cases -- mostly for drug possession -- in which the officers
were involved.
The scandal broke after a
rookie officer working with the Riders -- Frank Vasquez, 43; Jude Siapno,
32; Clarence Mabanag, 35; and Matthew Horning, 28 -- complained to his
superiors in July. Officer Keith Batt, 23, saw Mabanag order another
rookie to write a false report saying a suspect had tried to toss away
rocks of crack. That, on top of prior similar incidents, convinced
Batt to go to department higher-ups.
In the Alameda County criminal
case, the DA's office alleges that Mabanag told Batts not be a "snitch"
and the Rider's ringleader Frank Vasquez threatened to physically harm
Batts if he talked. Batts has since left the force.
In one incident in the criminal
case, according to court documents, the Riders falsely arrested a man for
discarding drugs and drinking in public, then handcuffed him, drove him
to a different part of the city, and beat him severely. Vasquez and
Mabanag then attempted to intimidate the man when a supervisor asked him
about his injuries.
In another incident, two
weeks earlier, Vasquez and Mabanag falsely arrested and assaulted a 16-year-old
boy.
Eight victims were involved
in the incidents.
One of them, 19-year-old
Rodney Mack of Oakland, has now filed the first civil rights lawsuit against
the Riders and their immediate supervisor, Sgt. Jerry Hayter.
In the lawsuit filed in US
District Court, Mack alleges that the Riders stopped him on July 3rd near
10th and Center Streets in West Oakland, then planted rocks of crack cocaine
on him and falsely arrested him for possession with intent to distribute.
Mack was jailed for five
weeks. The DA's Office dismissed the charges in September as its
investigation of the Riders got underway.
Mack's attorney told the
San Francisco Chronicle Mack was framed. "I can categorically say
that the drugs were planted on him," said Berkeley attorney Jim Chanin.
"There was no cocaine."
The false arrest of Mack
resulted in criminal charges after Officer Batt told superiors he saw Mabanag
order rookie Rider Hewitt to write a false report stating he had seen Mack
throw down 17 rocks of crack.
The charges cover only a
three-week period from mid-June to early July, a period which matches the
time Batt was assigned to their unit.
Police Chief Richard Word,
who has recommended the four be fired, deplored the corrosive effect of
the Riders scandal on community relations.
"Reducing crime, fear, and
disorder means nothing if by doing so you lose community confidence, trust,
and support," Chief Ward told the Times.
3. Follow
That Story: Police Shooter Indicted in Tennessee "Wrong Address"
Killing
Last month, the Week Online
ran a feature piece on the ever-growing number of people killed by police
enforcing the drug laws (http://www.drcnet.org/wol/156.html#policeshootings).
The killing of 64-year-old John Adams in Lebanon, Tennessee, was one of
the cases highlighted. Adams was shot to death in his living room
after he allegedly fired a shotgun at the armed, masked, and unidentified
intruders who broke down his front door on the night of October 4th.
The police had the wrong
house. Their search warrant was for the address next door, but contained
a description of the Adams' house instead of the actual target. Relatives
and friends told the Daily Tennessean the couple thought they were victims
of a home invasion robbery when the 10:00pm raid commenced.
In most of the cases mentioned
in the original article, the bottom line was "the police shooter was cleared
of any wrongdoing by [the local] grand jury." Not this time.
A local grand jury has indicted
raid planner Steve Nokes, head of the department's narcotics unit, on felony
charges of reckless homicide, evidence tampering, and aggravated perjury
in the case. Prosecutors said Nokes was responsible for sending the
raiders to the wrong house and that he lied on the affidavit used to obtain
the search warrant for the raid. Nokes had surveilled the targeted
house and was present during the raid.
Nokes has already been fired
from the Lebanon Police Department. The three officers who actually
conducted the raid, two of whom shot Adams, remain on the force on paid
administrative leave. Another who surveilled the house with Nokes
is on unpaid leave.
Adams was black, while Nokes
and two out of three of the other officers involved were white, a fact
that has heightened racial tensions in the town. Lebanon Mayor Don
Fox has appointed a citizens' review board to investigate the killing,
but local chapters of civil rights and civil liberties groups including
the NAACP, the American Civil Liberties Union and the League of United
Latin-American Citizens, have joined together to monitor and challenge
the board's mandate and make up.
4. US Commission
on Civil Rights Report to Urge Crackdown on Police Abuses
The US Commission on Civil
Rights (USCCR -- http://www.usccr.gov),
an independent executive branch agency mandated to investigate civil rights
violations, will soon issue a report on police misconduct that concludes
that police brutality and abuse of power remain intractable problems in
the United States.
The commission, headed by
Mary Frances Berry, approved the report's findings on November 4th by a
5-1 vote.
A USCCR spokeswoman told
DRCNet the full report will be released "in a couple of months, not a couple
of weeks."
In the meantime, DRCNet has
obtained a draft copy of the report's executive summary, which lauds big
city police forces for reducing crime, but concludes that "these improvements
come at a terrible price."
The commission singled out
New York City and Los Angeles, saying that while they managed to reduce
crime, they "have not developed into world class police forces, however,
due to lingering concerns over the number and type of police misconduct
charges they must address."
The report is the latest
to follow in the footsteps of the commission's groundbreaking 1981 report
on police abuse, "Who Will Guard the Guardians?" The USCCR continues
to be active, holding hearings in cities across the country and issuing
reports on police departments where it finds problems.
In the executive summary
draft, the commission sketches a set of guidelines and objectives designed
to remedy police misconduct. Among them:
-
Measures to end the practice
of racial profiling by police need to be given "the highest priority."
Congress should provide the Department of Justice with sufficient funding
to collect national statistics on the practice.
-
Diversity in police forces remains
lacking. Many police forces "have been unable to accomplish or sustain
diversity." The commission called for "creative strategies" to increase
diversity.
-
Reforms are needed in police
training. "Effective training must incorporate contemporary issues
such as cultural sensitivity, use of force, racial profiling, and community
policing into the basic crime prevention methods."
-
Both internal and external controls
over police must be strengthened. Finding problems with the internal
regulation of police misconduct, the commission will recommend oversight
go to civilian review boards with subpoena power and disciplinary power
regarding investigations of police abuses. The commission will also
call for the increased use of federal monitors to oversee problem forces,
as is currently the case in Los Angeles.
-
Congress should amend the US
criminal code to remove the requirement that federal prosecutors prosecuting
police misconduct under the civil rights statutes prove the officers acted
with "specific intent" to violate someone's civil rights.
5. Drug Czar's
Public Affairs Director Thrown Off Microphone At Campus Politically Correct
Appearance
As the Office of National
Drug Control Policy Director ("Drug Czar") Barry McCaffrey prepares to
leave office, one of his key staffers may be losing not only his job, but
his mind. Bob Weiner, sometime ONDCP press secretary and currently
Director of Public Affairs, made quite a scene at a George Washington University
appearance of the popular TV show Politically Incorrect last week.
The event included host Bill Maher and other celebrity guests, but was
held only for the campus audience at the DC school, not broadcast.
Brian Gralnick, co-National
Director of Students for Sensible Drug Policy (http://www.ssdp.org), was
chosen as the student participant in Maher's panel. Just prior to
the show, Gralnick noticed a student backstage holding a card reading "Executive
Office of the President," which he recognized from an encounter with Weiner
at a previous event. The student was surprised when Gralnick asked
her if it was Bob Weiner's business card.
Knowing Weiner was in the
audience, Gralnick decided to call him out. On stage, Gralnick explained
to the audience that "The Director of Public Affairs of the Office of National
Drug Control Policy, who is in this audience, accused me of being high
on illegal drugs when we were on this same stage a month ago, and it's
a shame people resort to personal attacks when discussing drug policy."
Gralnick told DRCNet, "He
then started yelling from the crowd, from his seat, 'that's not true, that's
not true.'" Host Bill Maher told Weiner that if he wanted to ask
a question, he should go to the microphone.
Weiner ran to the microphone
and said, "That's not what I said," at which point Gralnick broke in with:
"I'll clarify: You said, 'Your eyes look kind of hazy. You're
probably on drugs right now.'"
Weiner responded, "You can't
take a joke?", and proceeded not to ask a question, as Maher had invited
him, but to rattle off statistics along the lines of why the war on drugs
isn't being lost as Students for Sensible Drug Policy claims. A staffer
from the production company managing the Politically Incorrect campus tour,
and a student helping with the event, took the microphone from him.
Many reformers have had encounters
with Bob Weiner. DRCNet Executive Director David Borden recounts,
"I've had two phone conversations with him. He hung up on me both
times. I'm not a rude person, but he kept avoiding the questions
and I kept asking them."
According to Dave Fratello
of Americans for Medical Rights, "Based on feedback I've gotten from reporters,
Weiner's reputation with the media is of being very ill-tempered and impatient."
"I remember one radio debate,"
said Fratello, "where the subject was medical marijuana, and Weiner insisted
on a format where I would speak for half of the time, after which he would
speak for half the time. He was unwilling to debate me directly."
"Unknown to Weiner, however,
the host kept me on the line through his presentation, and at a certain
point I broke in to correct one of his points," Fratello continued.
"Weiner started screaming at me, saying I'd had my time. Then he
started attacking the station and the host -- all live on the air."
Chuck Thomas of the Marijuana
Policy Project told DRCNet, "There were a few reporters I spoke with who
were about to call McCaffrey's office, and wanted to know if there were
a few questions that would be good to ask. I suggested they ask ONDCP,
should patients be arrested for medical marijuana? Then, if they
try to circumvent the question, to ask it again."
"On at least two of those
occasions," Thomas continued, "the reporters -- both of them from well
known publications -- told me later that they spoke with Bob Weiner and
that he became argumentative and started screaming at them and accusing
them of being on drugs."
"Now I make a point of specifically
telling reporters to ask for Bob Weiner by name," concluded Thomas.
6. Follow That
Story: Tattered Cover Bookstore Will Appeal Court Order to Open Records
in Drug Investigation
Two weeks ago, the Week Online
reported that a judge had ordered Denver's Tattered Cover bookstore to
honor a search warrant demanding that the store turn over records of a
customer book purchase (http://www.drcnet.org/wol/157.html#bookstore).
The police hoped to discover which of six residents at a trailer where
a meth lab was found ordered books on methamphetamine manufacture from
the bookstore.
At the time, Tattered Cover
owner Joyce Meskins and her attorneys had not decided to appeal.
They had to weigh the possibility of losing a partial victory in the limitations
the judge placed on the warrant's scope, Chris Finan of the American Booksellers
Foundation for Free Expression (ABFFE) told DRCNet.
On November 2nd Meskins and
her attorney, backed by a powerful array of booksellers' and librarians'
associations as well as civil liberties groups, announced she will appeal
the ruling.
In a press release from the
ABFFE, Meskins said, "If we turn over this information, our customers will
start wondering if we will ever do the same to them. It will undermine
their confidence that we will do everything we can to protect the privacy
of their purchase and make them afraid to buy controversial titles.
That would be a tragedy for us, for them, and for free speech."
She also expressed concern
that police are using a book's contents to determine a suspect. "Reading
a book is not a crime," she said.
Her attorney, Dan Recht,
told the Denver Post they plan to bypass the state appeals court by asking
the Colorado Supreme Court to hear the case. The state high court
has long been considered a friend of free expression.
Recht called the ruling a
"slippery slope" which would set a legal precedent for government snooping
into people's reading habits, and he criticized police for overreaching
in the name of fighting drugs.
"There have been significant
infringements to civil liberties over the past decade, and those are due
to a disturbing degree to the war on drugs," he told the Post.
The ABFFE has filed an amicus
brief in the case, supported by the American Library Association, the Association
of American Book Publishers, the American Society of Journalists and Authors,
the National Coalition Against Censorship, and the PEN American Center.
The Tattered Cover cause
has also drawn editorial support from the Rocky Mountain News and the Denver
Post. The News urged the bookstore to appeal the October ruling.
7. Newsbriefs:
Federal Judges in San Diego Swamped by Drug War, Immigrant Arrests
Just weeks after state prosecutors
in Texas border counties began refusing to prosecute drug cases developed
by federal agents (http://www.drcnet.org/wol/153.html#texasdasagain),
another sign that that the border drug war is creating gridlock in the
criminal justice system has appeared at the opposite end of the border.
US District Court judges
in San Diego declared a "judicial emergency" last week after Congress refused
to appropriate funds for more judges. The US Judicial Conference,
which represents federal courts nationwide, had recommended that eight
new federal judgeships be created for the San Diego district.
According to Chief Judge
Marilyn Huff, the court's caseload has doubled in the past five years as
a result of a massive law enforcement buildup on the border. She
told the Los Angeles Times some 1,400 new FBI, DEA, Border Patrol, and
Customs Service positions had been filled in the district in that period.
The district court had been
barely held together by bailing wire and chewing gum. Huff told the
Times the court had been relying on retired judges, but two died in the
last year, a third was hurt in a car accident, and a fourth, 86, was no
longer able to serve.
"We are in bad shape, with
no light at the end of the tunnel," she told the Times.
Under the "judicial emergency,"
the court will curtail some procedures, such as oral arguments in civil
cases and presentence investigations in criminal cases.
The San Diego US Attorney's
Office told the times it has already begun sending some cases to San Diego
and Imperial County prosecutors to be tried in state courts. It is
precisely that tactic that resulted in the Texas border DAs' rebellion
as the costs of prosecuting federal cases and jailing those convicted ate
into local budgets.
Mario Conte of the Federal
Defenders service, which represents indigent defendants, blamed a criminal
justice that is out of whack. "It's very simple," he told the Times,
"Congress loves to add prosecutors and [law enforcement] agents, but neglects
to add judges, defense attorneys, and marshals, and then they wonder why
there is a problem."
8. The Reformer's
Calendar
(Please submit listings
of events related to drug policy and related areas to [email protected].)
November 3-4, Chicago, IL,
Conference on US Policy & Human Rights in Colombia: Where do
we go from here? At DePaul University, sponsored by various organizations
concerned with Latin America, human rights and peace. For information
contact Colombia Bulletin at (773) 489-1255 or e-mail [email protected].
November 4, Philadelphia,
PA, noon, "Liberty Protest: Unity to End the Drug War," at the Liberty
Bell, featuring professor Julian Heicklen and other speakers. For
information, contact Diane Fornbacher at (215) 633-9812 or [email protected].
November 11, Charlotte, NC,
Families Against Mandatory Minimums Regional Workshop, location to be determined.
Call (202) 822-6700 for information or to register.
November 16-19, San Francisco,
CA, "Committing to Conscience: Building a Unified Strategy to End the Death
Penalty," largest annual gathering of Death Penalty opponents. Call
Death Penalty Focus at (888) 2-ABOLISH or visit http://www.ncadp.org/ctc.html
for further information.
November 19, Richmond, VA,
4:20pm, Anti-Drug War Benefit, supporting DRCNet, organized by Virginians
Against Drug Violence. Admission $3, at the Cary Street Cafe, 2631
W. Cary St. Scheduled performers include Publik Animalz, Neptune,
Parkland Charlie and Mark Fitzgerald. 21-or-over for admission, outdoor
facilities for those under 21.
December 2, New Haven, CT,
9:30am-6:30pm, First Conference on Drug Policy and the Prison Overcrowding
Crisis in Connecticut. At Yale University, Lindsley Chittenden room
101, 203, 204 and 205, open to the public. For further information,
contact Luke Bronin at [email protected]
or Adam Hurter at (860) 285-8831 or [email protected].
January 13, 2001, St. Petersburg,
FL, Families Against Mandatory Minimums Regional Workshop, location to
be determined. Call (202) 822-6700 for information or to register.
March 9-11, 2001, New York,
NY, Critical Resistance: Beyond the Prison Industrial Complex. Northeast
regional conference, following on the large national gathering in 1998,
to focus on the impacts of the prison industrial complex in Maine, Vermont,
New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, New
Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and Washington, DC. Visit
http://www.criticalresistance.org
for further information, or call (212) 561-0912 or e-mail [email protected].
April 1-5, 2001, New Delhi,
India, 12th International Conference on the Reduction of Drug Related Harm.
Sponsored by the International Harm Reduction Coalition, for information
visit http://ihrc-india2001.org
on the web, e-mail [email protected],
call 91-11-6237417-18, fax 91-11-6217493 or write to Showtime Events Pvt.
Ltd., S-567, Greater Kailash - II, New Delhi 110 048, India.
April 25-28, Minneapolis,
MN, North American Syringe Exchange Convention. Sponsored by the
North American Syringe Exchange Network, for further information call (253)
272-4857, e-mail [email protected]
or visit http://www.nasen.org on the
web. At the Marriott City Center Hotel, 30 South Seventh Street.
Editorials will return next
week.
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