Harm Reduction Project: News, Information, & Opinion - August 6, 2007
1. Statement On The Arrest Of Dr Kian Tajbakhsh
2. Iran Uses Activists For Propaganda
3. Media Marijuana Mania Part Duh
4. Why Africa Fears Western Medicine
5. The Taliban's Opium War
6. Hillary Clinton On Needle Exchange
7. Coverage of Susan Kingston's Crystal Meth Uncensored: What the DEA and Gay Media Won't Tell You
A. To Our Contributors
B. Upcoming Conferences
C. A Listing Of Blogs & Sites We've Been Visiting Lately
D. Quotes
E. Ask An Associate If She Or He Would Like To Receive This Newsletter
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I. Statement On The Arrest Of Dr Kian Tajbakhsh
Payvand's Iran News ~ 7/17/07
Imperial College London Statement
Respected academic Dr Kian Tajbakhsh, an Imperial College alumnus, was arrested in Iran in May 2007 and has been held without charge ever since. Imperial joins the international community in calling on the Iranian government to allow Dr Tajbakhsh legal representation and to provide evidence of the accusations against him.
Dr Kian Tajbakhsh
Dr Tajbakhsh graduated with a BSc (Eng) in civil engineering from Imperial in 1983, and went on to complete an MSc in urban planning at University College London. He has built a reputation as a leading expert in local government reform, urban planning and social policy, consulting for Iranian government organizations and international non-governmental organizations such as the World Bank and the Netherlands Association of Municipalities. He holds dual citizenship of the United States and Iran, and has taught at universities in both countries.
Information on the campaign to raise awareness of Dr Tajbakhsh's plight is at www.freekian.org
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2. Iran Uses Activists For Propaganda
By Scott Peterson for The Christian Science Monitor July 30, 2007
Using methods that hark back to the years following Iran's 1979 Islamic revolution, Iranian state-run television on Wednesday night broadcast what it called "confessions" of two Iranian-American academics accused of undermining the regime.
Called "In the name of Democracy," the 50-minute film deftly spliced images of "velvet" revolutions in Serbia, Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan with segments of interviews with the two dual citizens. The film sought to portray the detained activists' work for American think tanks and civil-society groups as a tool for a US policy of regime change in Iran.
The documentary comes amid one of the most comprehensive crackdowns on political activism since the revolution. Confronted with $75 million worth of pro-democracy funding set aside by the US Congress - and frequent rhetoric about regime change - Tehran is taking a page from its old playbook to fight what it sees as a mounting threat to political stability.
"The impetus comes from die-hard people around [President Mahmoud] Ahmadinejad, the former Revolutionary Guards, people who now dominate the intelligence services," says Ervand Abrahamian, an Iran expert at the City University of New York. "They practiced this under Khomeini, so they are really going back to the old methods [that] did work."
In the film, Haleh Esfandiari, head of Middle East programs at the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington, spoke of facilitating scholarly exchanges, networks of Iran experts, and meetings at international conferences. Ms. Esfandiari, looking pale and drawn, sat on a couch in a black head scarf and robe beside a plant - not in her cell at Tehran's Evin prison, where she has been held in solitary confinement since May 8.
"What was my role here?" she was heard to ask while describing her work identifying experts. "In the course of these years, when you put these number of meetings back to back, you would come to the conclusion that, willingly or not, a network of connections would be formed," said Esfandiari.
Other segments showed Kian Tajbakhsh, a US-educated urban planner, speaking with notes about his work in Tehran with the Soros Foundation. Mr. Tajbakhsh sat in what appeared to be a wood-paneled office instead of his prison cell. He spoke of an "overt" Soros program, and then other "dimensions" that included creating nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and bringing Iranian contacts to Europe.
A third academic, Canadian-Iranian Ramin Jahanbegloo, who was held for four months last year and released, said the Wilson Center "receives most of its money ... from the US Congress," and spoke of conferences where he met Americans and some Israelis "who were mostly intelligence agents."
The activists' arrests coincide with a broader crackdown launched this spring on any form of dissent in Iran - from labor and student leaders to women's groups and young people defying strict Islamic dress rules. Meanwhile, President Ahmadinejad has served up combative anti-US rhetoric to counter accusations from the US that it is pursuing nuclear weapons and meddling in Iraq.
Colleagues and family members decried the interviews with the two prisoners - who have not been able to meet lawyers in more than 10 weeks - as "coerced" and the film to be "propaganda." A second episode is due to be broadcast Thursday night.
"They didn't say anything that would amount to a confession," says an Iranian analyst in Tehran who asked not to be named. "However, when put together with the [velvet revolution] documentary, very, very professionally, with the comments of [all] the individuals, it did give you a feeling: 'Ah, these guys were working together in a network, that is so extensive and [well established] that it would be able to topple the regime.' "
Still, the film's persuasive power didn't impress everyone in the audience. "They haven't made any serious confession," said Nilufar, a Tehran housewife, who was contacted by a reporter in Tehran and asked that her full name not be used. "I see the whole thing as being stupid. Anybody that has been deprived of sleep and tortured would say anything they want."
The Bush administration has spoken frequently of regime change, and includes Iran as part of an "axis of evil." The vitriol has prompted fears among security forces in Iran of an East European-style "velvet revolution."
In the film, Mr. Bush is seen during a speech saying "the untamed fire of freedom will reach the darkest corners of our world." The movie also shows President Vladimir Putin of Russia - which has clamped down on NGOs over concerns of similar, Western-sponsored unrest - complaining about such pro-democracy efforts.
After showing scenes of street violence abroad, and then in Iran, the narrator asks, "How are velvet revolutions led? Which country is next?"
The purpose is to "reinforce the concern in the Iranian public that there is an American plot against Iran [and that it is] an imminent threat," says Mr. Abrahamian.
"The theater [of the film] adds to that," says Abrahamian. "It also tells Iranians to beware of anyone from abroad who is talking about human rights. So even if you are not involved in regime change ... you would be tarred with the same brush."
On Tuesday, a group of six women Nobel laureates - including Iranian human rights lawyer Shirin Ebadi, who represents Esfandiari - said charges of "actions against national security" were "entirely without foundation." The academic, Ms. Ebadi said, was a "tireless promoter of and believer in dialogue between Iran and the international community."
"This reprehensive pattern of activity by interrogators in Iran has occurred before: jailing innocent people, confining them, and then producing a framed or cobbled statement or confession," says Lee Hamilton, the head of the Wilson Center.
In the film, Esfandiari described how her center was a "highway" for Iranian speakers to come to the US, to find fellowships, and provide analysis. The US government would also provide some money for research. The aim, she said, was "to create a little change in decisionmaking bodies inside Iran, a sort of change from within."
After the broadcast, state radio said in a commentary that the "wide reaction by Western media and governments" to the case "indicates a calculated conspiracy to topple the [Islamic] system in Iran."
Such political theater before television cameras is not new and was used extensively against political suspects in the early years of the revolution.
People from across the political spectrum were "brought in front of the cameras to make confessions," says Abrahamian, author of the 1999 book, "Tortured Confessions: Prisons and Public Recantations in Modern Iran." "It was a routine thing: you made a video. It [was so common] it became a joke."
Esfandiari's daughter, Washington lawyer Haleh Bakhash, wrote that her mother "sounded wooden - unnatural and coerced."
"When the television program ended, I felt contempt for my mother's jailers and interrogators," Ms. Bakhash wrote in The Washington Post Thursday. "But I was filled with admiration for my mother [who] preserved her dignity, held her head high, and did not lie."
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3. Media Marijuana Mania Part Duh
Posted July 31, 2007 By Maia Szalavitz on Huffingtonpost.com
Ok, this is getting really tiresome. Earlier this week, I debunked media coverage that claimed that marijuana increases risk of schizophrenia by 40% -- but none of the media bothered to mention that despite massive increases in marijuana use, schizophrenia rates have not increased.
- claiming that one joint is as bad for your lungs as five cigarettes. Comes now another flood of " reporting " that fails, once again, to raise and answer the question readers are most likely to consider when they read the story.
Leave aside for a moment the fact that the vast majority of marijuana smokers don't even use one whole joint daily-- compared to an average 20-40 a day for cigarette smokers. Leave aside the fact that even most daily smokers of marijuana tend to do this for a few years-- not the 20-40 years seen with cigarette smokers.
Could the reporters at least mention that research looking explicitly for a conclusive link between marijuana and lung cancer HAS REPEATEDLY FAILED TO FIND ONE ???
And that studies looking for an impact on mortality related to marijuana use also do not find that? Every time researchers have done studies using various forms of methodology looking for connections between tobacco smoking and lung cancer and tobacco smoking and death, the link has been there and been strong. The studies on this question on marijuana-- when it is smoked without tobacco-- do not find a positive correlation. In fact, one found a slight negative one -- suggesting that marijuana users could actually be *less likely* than non-users to get lung cancer.
Is it really too much to ask that reporters use PubMed-- or even Google, for goodness sake-- to look at the literature before they write their drug scare stories? Is it really too much to ask them to think-- hmm, what is this study reminding me of, but not mentioning that might be worth noting? Oh yeah, people think of "lung cancer" when they think of smoking-- wonder whether pot causes that. Might be a good idea to look it up. Nah, too busy. Let me read another press release from the government.
And people wonder why there is so much mistrust of the media!!!!
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4. Why Africa Fears Western Medicine
Africa Science Blog Spot By Harriet A. Washington July 31, 2007
Wouter Basson
To Westerners, the repatriation of five nurses and a doctor to Bulgaria last week after more than eight years' imprisonment meant the end of an unsettling ordeal. The medical workers, who in May 2004 were sentenced to death on charges of intentionally infecting hundreds of Libyan children with HIV, have been freed, and another international incident is averted.
But to many Africans, the accusations, which have been validated by a guilty verdict and a promise to reimburse the families of the infected children with a $426 million payout, seem perfectly plausible. The medical workers' release appears to be the latest episode in a health care nightmare in which white and Western-trained doctors and nurses have harmed Africans - and have gone unpunished.
The evidence against the Bulgarian medical team, like HIV-contaminated vials discovered in their apartments, has seemed to Westerners preposterous. But to dismiss the Libyan accusations of medical malfeasance out of hand means losing an opportunity to understand why a dangerous suspicion of medicine is so widespread in Africa.
Africa has harbored a number of high-profile Western medical miscreants who have intentionally administered deadly agents under the guise of providing health care or conducting research. In March 2000, Werner Bezwoda, a cancer researcher at South Africa's Witwatersrand University, was fired after conducting medical experiments involving very high doses of chemotherapy on black breast-cancer patients, possibly without their knowledge or consent. In Zimbabwe, in 1995, Richard McGown, a Scottish anesthesiologist, was accused of five murders and convicted in the deaths of two infant patients whom he injected with lethal doses of morphine. And Dr. Michael Swango, ultimately convicted of murder after pleading guilty to killing three American patients with lethal injections of potassium, is suspected of causing the deaths of 60 other people, many of them in Zimbabwe and Zambia during the 1980s and '90s. (Swango was never tried on the African charges.)
These medical killers are well known throughout Africa, but the most notorious is Wouter Basson, a former head of Project Coast, South Africa's chemical and biological weapons unit under apartheid. Basson was charged with killing hundreds of blacks in South Africa and Namibia, from 1979 to 1987, many via injected poisons. He was never convicted in South African courts, even though his lieutenants testified in detail and with consistency about the medical crimes they conducted against blacks.
Such well-publicized events have spread a fear of medicine throughout Africa, even in countries where Western doctors have not practiced in significant numbers. It is a fear the continent can ill afford when medical care is already hard to come by. Only 1.3 percent of the world's health workers practice in sub-Saharan Africa, although the region harbors fully 25 percent of the world's disease. A minimum of 2.5 health workers is needed for every 1,000 people, according to standards set by the United Nations, but only six African countries have this many.
The distrust of Western medical workers has had direct consequences. Since 2003, for example, polio has been on the rise in Nigeria, Chad and Burkina Faso because many people avoid vaccinations, believing that the vaccines are contaminated with HIV or are actually sterilization agents in disguise. This would sound incredible were it not that scientists working for Basson's Project Coast reported that one of their chief goals was to find ways to selectively and secretly sterilize Africans.
Such tragedies highlight the challenges facing even the most idealistic medical workers, who can find themselves working under unhygienic conditions that threaten patients' welfare. Well-meaning Western caregivers must sometimes use incompletely cleaned or unsterilized needles, simply because nothing else is available. These needles can and do spread infectious agents like HIV - proving that Western medical practices need not be intentional to be deadly.
Although the World Health Organization maintains that the reuse of syringes without sterilization accounts for only 2.5 percent of new HIV infections in Africa, a 2003 study in The International Journal of STD and AIDS found that as many as 40 percent of HIV infections in Africa are caused by contaminated needles during medical treatment.
Even the conservative WHO estimate translates to tens of thousands of cases.
Several esteemed science journals, including Nature, have suggested that the Libyan children were infected in just this manner, through the reuse of incompletely cleaned medical instruments, long before the Bulgarian nurses arrived in Libya. If this is the case, then the Libyan accusations of iatrogenic, or healer-transmitted, infection are true. The acts may not have been intentional, but given the history of Western medicine in Africa, accusations that they were done consciously are far from paranoid.
Certainly, the vast majority of beneficent Western medical workers in Africa are to be thanked, not censured. But the canon of "silence equals death" applies here: We are ignoring a responsibility to defend the mass of innocent Western doctors against the belief that they are not treating disease, but intentionally spreading it. We should approach Africans' suspicions with respect, realizing that they are born of the acts of a few monsters and of the deadly constraints on medical care in difficult conditions. By continuing to dismiss their reasonable fears, we raise the risk of even more needless illness and death.
Harriet A. Washington is the author of "Medical Apartheid: The Dark History of Medical Experimentation on Black Americans From Colonial Times to the Present."
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5. The Taliban's Opium War
The difficulties and dangers of the eradication program.
by Jon Lee Anderson The New Yorker July 9, 2007 issue
In the main square in Tirin Kot, the capital of Uruzgan Province, in central Afghanistan, a large billboard shows a human skeleton being hanged. The rope is not a normal gallows rope but the stem of an opium poppy. Aside from this jarring image, Tirin Kot is a bucolic-seeming place, a market town of flat-topped adobe houses and little shops on a low bluff on the eastern shore of the Tirinrud River, in a long valley bounded by open desert and jagged, treeless mountains. About ten thousand people live in the town. The men are bearded and wear traditional robes and tunics and cover their heads with turbans or sequinned skullcaps. There are virtually no women in sight, and when they do appear they wear all-concealing burkas. A few paved streets join at a traffic circle in the center of town, but within a few blocks they peter out to dirt tracks.
Almost everything around Tirin Kot is some shade of brown. The river is a khaki-colored wash of silt and snowmelt that flows out of the mountain range to the north, past mud-walled family compounds. On either side of the river, however, running down the valley, there is a narrow strip of wheat fields and poppy fields, and for several weeks in the spring the poppies bloom: lovely, open-petalled white, pink, red, and magenta blossoms, the darker colors indicating the ones with the most opium.
One afternoon this spring, at the height of the harvest, I drove through the area with Douglas Wankel, a former Drug Enforcement Administration official who was hired by the United States government in 2003 to organize its counter-narcotics effort here. Wankel, who is sixty-one and has piercing blue eyes, was stationed in Kabul as a young D.E.A. official in 1978 and 1979, during the bloody unrest that led up to the Soviet invasion. "I left on a flight to New Delhi a couple of hours before the Soviets rolled in," he said. "People thought it was because I knew it was coming. I didn't; I just happened to be leaving on a trip. But the Soviets branded me a C.I.A. agent, and so I couldn't come back-until now, that is."
Working first with the D.E.A. and then with the State Department, Wankel helped create the Afghan Eradication Force, with troops of the Afghan National Police drawn from the Ministry of the Interior. Last year, an estimated four hundred thousand acres of opium poppies were planted in Afghanistan, a fifty-nine-per-cent increase over the previous year. Afghanistan now supplies more than ninety-two per cent of the world's opium, the raw ingredient of heroin. More than half the country's annual G.D.P., some $3.1 billion, is believed to come from the drug trade, and narcotics officials believe that part of the money is funding the Taliban insurgency.
Wankel was in Uruzgan to oversee a poppy-eradication campaign-the first major effort to disrupt the harvest in the province. He had brought with him a two-hundred-and-fifty-man A.E.F. contingent, including forty-odd contractors supplied by DynCorp, a Virginia-based private military company, which has a number of large U.S. government contracts in Iraq, Afghanistan, and other parts of the world. In Colombia, DynCorp helps implement the multibillion-dollar Plan Colombia, to eradicate coca. The A.E.F.'s armed convoy had taken three days to drive from Kabul, and had set up a base on a plateau above a deep wadi. With open land all around, it was a good spot to ward off attacks.
Much of Uruzgan is classified by the United Nations as "Extreme Risk / Hostile Environment." The Taliban effectively controls four-fifths of the province, which, like the movement, is primarily Pashtun. Mullah Omar, the fugitive Taliban leader, was born and raised here, as were three other founders of the movement. The Taliban's seizure of Tirin Kot, in the mid-nineties, was a key stepping stone in their march to Kabul, and their loss of the town in 2001 was a decisive moment in their fall. The Taliban have made a concerted comeback in the past two years; they are the de-facto authority in much of the Pashtun south and east, and have recently spread their violence to parts of the north as well. The debilitating and corrupting effects of the opium trade on the government of President Hamid Karzai is a significant factor in the Taliban's revival.
The Taliban instituted a strict Islamist policy against the opium trade during the final years of their regime, and by the time of their overthrow they had virtually eliminated it. But now, Lieutenant General Mohammad Daud-Daud, Afghanistan's deputy minister of the interior for counter-narcotics, told me, "there has been a coalition between the Taliban and the opium smugglers. This year, they have set up a commission to tax the harvest." In return, he said, the Taliban had offered opium farmers protection from the government's eradication efforts. The switch in strategy has an obvious logic: it provides opium money for the Taliban to sustain itself and helps it to win over the farming communities.
Wankel had flown in from Kabul five days earlier to meet with the governor of Uruzgan, Abdul Hakim Munib, about the eradication operation, only to discover that Munib had left for Kabul the day before. Wankel was told that a sister of the governor had died or fallen ill-there were several versions-but nobody believed this was the real reason for his absence. Munib, a former Taliban deputy minister, was suspected of retaining ties to the movement. And, Wankel noted, there were poppy fields within sight of Munib's palace.
"We're not able to destroy all the poppy-that's not the point. What we're trying to do is lend an element of threat and risk to the farmers' calculations, so they won't plant next year," Wankel said later. "It's like robbing a bank. If people see there's more to be had by robbing a bank than by working in one, they're going to rob it, until they learn there's a price to pay."
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6. Hillary On Needle Exchange: "As much spine as we possibly can"
The Politico.com July 31, 2007
Read More: Hillary Clinton
There are few differences between Senators Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama on details of domestic policy, but previously unreported exchanges at recent New York meetings revealed one. Obama favors federal funding for needle exchange programs; Clinton doesn't, according to their comments at the video-taped events, which included a tense, revealing exchange between Clinton and a veteran AIDS activist, Charles King.
When King reminded Clinton, cuttingly, that she'd called for a president with "spine," Clinton promised to show "as much spine as we possibly can" in response to the political sensitivities around AIDS funding.
King, the director of the AIDS housing group Housing Works, posed similar questions to Clinton and Obama during their private appearances sponsored by the Community Service Society of New York and the big building service workers' local, 32BJ, of the Service Employees International Union.
Obama was quick to say at his July appearance he supports lifting the ban on federal funding for needle exchange. Clinton, by contrast, performed what King called "an interesting waffle" at her April 23 event.
The differences in their answers reflect their different relationships to a hot-button issue of the 1990s, which has since cooled and faded from the public debate. Clinton linked herself to her husband's 1998 compromise between public health activists and anti-drug crusaders, while Obama sided solidly with the advocates of what are seen as "preventive" services.
In the unusual 1998 compromise, Clinton Health and Human Services Secretary Donna Shalala announced that the administration's scientific review had found needle exchanges safe and effective -- but that the administration would nonetheless maintain a federal ban on funding them.
Clinton responded to King's question (1:10:40 in the video above), after some prodding, by saying, "I want to look at the evidence on it" to see whether needle exchange would prevent the spread of HIV without increasing drug abuse.
Shalala, King responded, had "certified" the safety and effectiveness of the programs.
"And then she refused to order it, as you remember," Clinton said.
King replied that that had been her husband's decision.
"Well, because we knew we couldn't maintain it politically," Clinton said, and went on to discuss the trade-offs in that dispute with Congress. "I wish life and politics were easier," she said.
King then referred back to Clinton's opening remarks.
"You made a great comment earlier about how our next president needs to have some spine," he said.
"We'll have as much spine as we possibly can, under the circumstances," Clinton responded.
Needle exchange seems unlikely to emerge as a decisive issue in the Democratic primary, though the group AIDSVote has ending the needle exchange funding ban an element of its platform. But the gap between the candidates', and Clinton's response to King's questions, offer a glimpse at a rare difference between the Democratic frontrunners, and at the ways Clinton is informed and bound by her husband's administration.
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7. Most Gay Men Don't Use Drugs
Windy City Times
by Charlsie Dewey
2007-07-04
Susan Kingston, a meth expert from the King County Department of Public Health in Seattle, Wash., brought a fresh approach to how the gay and general communities should begin to treat crystal meth addiction and, more importantly, the individuals using the drug during her presentation, "Crystal Meth Uncensored: What the DEA and Gay Media Won't Tell You."
Kingston's presentation was part of a day-long event presented by the Chicago AIDS Foundation and the Center on Halsted entitled "Preventing HIV: Ethics, Activism and Promising New Strategies," which took place June 27-National HIV Testing Day-at the Center on Halsted, 3656 N. Halsted.
Kingston began by discussing the myths that she believes the media has perpetuated, including that crystal meth is the most addictive drug; meth users fail treatments and that the addiction is impossible to treat; and that it is the worst drug to hit the gay community.
As far as treatment results, Kingston believes it is the treatment programs failing the drug user, not the other way around, and that the worst drug to hit the gay and straight communities is alcohol.
She also pointed out that poppers are far more abused in the gay community than meth and are just as frequently associated with unprotected sex: "Ten percent of guys have used meth in the past year. It's two to four times that much for poppers, but we seem to be kind of okay with that. Is that really okay?"
Yet, according to Kingston, the media never reports the good news, which is that most gay men don't use crystal meth and that, in actuality, there is not a meth crisis in the gay community.
Kingston added that the message that needs to be out there is one of wellness within the gay community. "Before we answer the question what are we supposed to do about this meth thing, we really have to think about who do we think gay men are?," she said. "If you think gay men are pools of deficits, then crystal makes complete sense. On the other hand, if you think that gay men need to keep a squeaky-clean image, then anybody who picks up a meth pipe starts to be the deviant who's making the rest of us look bad, and we need to shove him back into his hole. That's what's happening.
"I would be so excited if I heard a prevention program where I heard a gay newspaper say most gay men don't use drugs [ and ] most gay men don't have HIV; they take care of themselves sexually; they're not reckless; they're not irresponsible; they go to work; they shop for groceries; [ and ] they value love just like anybody else."
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A. To Our Contributors
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B. Upcoming Conference
The Drug Policy Alliance's International Drug Policy Reform Conference is the world's principal gathering of people who believe the war on drugs is doing more harm than good. No better opportunity exists to learn about drug policy and to strategize and mobilize for reform.
December 5-8, 2007
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C. A Listing Of The Blogs & Sites We've Been Visiting Lately
The Center For Responsive Politics
STATS
The Nation
Pew Research Center
Alternet
Brave New Films
AlterNet
The Blog Report
Death Penalty Infomation Center
Cocaine Importing Agency
BuzzFlash
California Progress Report
Calitics
Common Dreams
Cursor
In These Times
OpEd News
Raw Story
Smirking Chimp
Truthdig
TruthOut
Working for Change
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D. Quotes
How one can live without being able to judge oneself, criticize what one has accomplished, and still enjoy what one does, is unimaginable to me.
-Anna Freud
Neurosis is always a substitute for legitimate suffering.
-Carl Jung
We are all in a post-hypnotic trance induced in early infancy.
-R. D. Laing
It is always consoling to think of suicide: in that way one gets through many a bad night.
-Friedrich Nietzsche
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