Crack/Powder Cocaine Disparity

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Senate to Hold Long-awaited Hearing on Federal Cocaine Sentencing Laws

[Courtesy of The Sentencing Project] Dear Friends: The Subcommittee on Crime and Drugs of the Senate Committee on the Judiciary will hold a hearing on "Federal Cocaine Sentencing Laws: Reforming the 100-to-1 Crack/Powder Disparity" on Tuesday, February 12 at 2:00 p.m. in Room 226 of the Senate Dirksen Office Building. "The Sentencing Project applauds the Committee for addressing this longstanding disparity," stated Marc Mauer, Executive Director of The Sentencing Project. "Reforming crack cocaine policy will help to remedy the unfairness and ineffectiveness of federal drug policy." Witnesses at the hearing will be: - U.S. Department of Justice designee - The Honorable Ricardo H. Hinojosa, Chair, U.S. Sentencing Commission, Washington, DC - Dr. Nora Volkow, Director, National Institute on Drug Abuse, U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, Washington, DC - The Honorable Reggie B. Walton, Criminal Law Committee, Federal Judicial Conference, Washington, DC - James Felman, Co-Chair, Sentencing Committee, Criminal Justice Section, American Bar Association In addition, Marc Mauer, has been invited by the Committee to submit written testimony, focusing on the public safety consequences of crack reform and impact on racial disparity. Committee Chairman Sen. Joseph Biden (D-DE), has taken a lead in reforming the crack cocaine disparity by introducing the Drug Sentencing Reform and Kingpin Trafficking Act of 2007 (S. 1711), which would eliminate the 100 to 1 quantity-based sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine. The legislation would also focus federal law enforcement efforts on serious drug traffickers instead of the low-level offenders who are currently the target of most federal crack prosecutions. This hearing follows the U.S. Supreme Court's affirmation of judicial discretion to sentence below the guideline range based on the unfairness of the crack cocaine sentencing disparity, and the United States Sentencing Commission's vote to make retroactive its recent guideline amendment on crack cocaine offenses.
Location: 
Washington, DC
United States

Sentencing: Mukasey Tells Congress to Pass Bill Blocking Early Release for Crack Prisoners

US Attorney General Michael Mukasey took his campaign against retroactive early releases for people sentenced under the federal crack cocaine laws to a new level Wednesday as he called on Congress to pass legislation by March 3 to block the releases. This week's call to arms comes just a few days after Mukasey first sounded the alarm about the release of crack prisoners, raising the specter of thousands of criminals pouring out of the nation's prisons and wreaking havoc on the streets.

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Michael Mukasey -- the mini-Ashcroft
Mukasey is responding to a decision by the US Sentencing Commission in December to make changes in the crack sentencing guidelines retroactive so they will apply to about 20,000 prisoners doing time under the crack laws. Earlier in the year, the commission had changed the sentencing guidelines for current offenders. The decision making the changes retroactive will go into effect March 3.

While as many as 20,000 crack prisoners could apply for sentence cuts, each one will have to go through a judicial process, and the cuts are not guaranteed. And only about 1,600 of them are eligible for sentence cuts that could result in their being released this year.

But that hasn't stopped Mukasey from playing up the fear angle. He was at it again Wednesday during a House Judiciary Committee hearing. In testimony prepared for that hearing, Mukasey said, "Overall, the Sentencing Commission estimates that retroactive applications of these lower guidelines could lead to the re-sentencing of more than 20,000 crack cocaine offenders, any number of whom will be released early."

Congress needs to act to avert that threat, Mukasey said. But given that March 3 is less than a month away, given that Congress very rarely moves so swiftly, and given that Congress passed on the chance to kill the retroactivity provision last year, Mukasey seems unlikely to get his wish.

Cracked Justice Lobby Day

Please join Families Against Mandatory Minimums (FAMM) and partner organizations as we call for change on Capitol Hill! Ask Congress to support legislation eliminating the crack/powder cocaine sentencing disparity. In the 21 years that mandatory sentences for crack have been in effect, tens of thousands have suffered unjust, disproportionate, and excessive sentences because of the sentencing disparity. It's time for change. If your loved one was sentenced for crack cocaine or you served time in prison for a crack cocaine offense, we encourage your participation. Please attend the Cracked Justice Lobby Day and share your story and photographs with lawmakers to show the human face of excessive sentencing. While none of the bills we will advocate for are likely to affect people who have already been sentenced, your advocacy could positively change the lives of tens of thousands in the future. To learn more about the legislation FAMM is following, please see http://www.famm.org/ExploreSentencing/FederalSentencing/BillsinCongress..... The Cracked Justice Lobby Day will start in D.C. with breakfast and a brief training (location to be determined). You will learn tips on how to lobby members of Congress and receive information on the members of Congress you will visit that day. FAMM members have unique stories to tell and we believe everybody should hear them. You will not be limited to visiting your own members of Congress, but will also join people from other states and help them lobby their senators and representatives. For example, you may be paired with a preacher from Kansas or an advocate from Texas. We will visit lawmakers or staff from the following targeted states: California; Illinois; Kansas; Maryland; Michigan; New York; Oklahoma; Pennsylvania; South Carolina; Texas and Virginia. Don't worry if you are not from one of these states. We still want to see you here. If you or your family members live in the targeted states and would like to participate but cannot travel to D.C., we still need you! You can: - Participate in a National Call-In Day on February 25 (look for a FAMM ealert on February 25 with call-in information and talking points.) - Meet with your member of Congress or Congressional staff at a district office the week of February 18. Please RSVP for the lobby day by February 8. Space for the lobby day is very limited. If you are interested in participating or want more information on district visits, please call or email Jennifer Seltzer Stitt at (202) 822-6700 x15 or jstitt@famm.org.
Date: 
Tue, 02/26/2008 - 8:30am - 4:00pm
Location: 
Washington, DC
United States

U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee, Subcommittee on Crime and Drugs Hearing: Reforming the 100-to-1 Crack/Powder Disparity

For over 21 years the inequity between crack and powder cocaine sentences has been the subject of great debate. Now the Senate will take a first step toward addressing this inequity. Three bills have been introduced in the Senate and will likely be the subject of debate at the hearing. The hearing is open to the public.
Date: 
Tue, 02/12/2008 - 2:00pm - 6:00pm
Location: 
Washington, DC
United States

National Call-In Day to Congress: Eliminate the Crack and Powder Cocaine Disparity

Join thousands of advocates across the country in calling on Congress to eliminate the federal crack/powder cocaine sentencing disparity. FAMM will send an e-alert to its members on February 25 containing a link to talking points and contact information on their lawmakers. If you're a member, look for an email on February 25 and check the FAMM website (www.famm.org) for updates. To join FAMM's list, see http://capwiz.com/famm/mlm/signup/. Also, ask your family and friends to join FAMM's email list so they can participate in the call-in day. To tell a friend about FAMM, see http://capwiz.com/famm/taf/.
Date: 
Mon, 02/25/2008 - 12:01am - 11:59pm
Location: 
Washington, DC
United States

Families Against Mandatory Minimums: Hearings on crack, national call-in day for reform

Senate hearing on crack cocaine on Feb. 12 The U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee, Subcommittee on Crime and Drugs scheduled a hearing for February 12 on federal cocaine sentencing laws titled “Reforming the 100-to-1 Crack/Powder Disparity". For over 21 years, the inequity between crack and powder cocaine sentences has been the subject of great debate. Now the Senate will take a first step toward addressing this inequity. Three bills have been introduced in the Senate and will likely be the subject of debate at the hearing. The hearing is open to the public. It will be held Tuesday, February 12 at 2:00 pm in Room 226 of the Senate Dirksen Office Building. To read more about all of the sentencing bills FAMM is tracking, click here. National call-in day to Congress, Feb. 25 Eliminate the crack and powder cocaine disparity! Join thousands of advocates across the country in calling on Congress to eliminate the federal crack/powder cocaine sentencing disparity on February 25. FAMM will send an ealert to the members on February 25 containing a link to talking points and contact information on your lawmakers. Look for an email on February 25 and check the FAMM website for updates. Also, ask your family and friends to join FAMM's email list so they can participate in the call-in day. Click here to tell a friend about FAMM.
Location: 
Washington, DC
United States

Attend lobby day on Capitol Hill

[Courtesy of Families Against Mandatory Minimums] Please join Families Against Mandatory Minimums (FAMM) and partner organizations on February 26 in Washington, D.C. as we call for change on Capitol Hill! Ask Congress to support legislation eliminating the crack/powder cocaine sentencing disparity. In the 21 years that mandatory sentences for crack have been in effect, tens of thousands have suffered unjust, disproportionate, and excessive sentences because of the sentencing disparity. It's time for change. If your loved one was sentenced for crack cocaine or you served time in prison for a crack cocaine offense, we encourage your participation. Please attend the Cracked Justice Lobby Day on February 26 and share your story and photographs with lawmakers to show the human face of excessive sentencing. While none of the bills we will advocate for is likely to affect people who have already been sentenced, your advocacy could positively change the lives of tens of thousands in the future. To learn more about the legislation FAMM is following, please click here. The Cracked Justice Lobby Day will start in D.C. at 8:30 a.m. with breakfast and a brief training (location to be determined). You will learn tips on how to lobby members of Congress and receive information on the members of Congress you will visit that day. FAMM members have unique stories to tell and we believe everybody should hear them. You will not be limited to visiting your own members of Congress, but will also join people from other states and help them lobby their senators and representatives. For example, you may be paired with a preacher from Kansas or an advocate from Texas. We will visit lawmakers or staff from the following targeted states: California; Illinois; Kansas; Maryland; Michigan; New York; Oklahoma; Pennsylvania; South Carolina; Texas and Virginia. Don't worry if you are not from one of these states. We still want to see you here. If you or your family members live in the targeted states and would like to participate but cannot travel to D.C., we still need you! You can: - Participate in a National Call-In Day on February 25 (look for a FAMM ealert on February 25 with call-in information and talking points.) - Meet with your member of Congress or Congressional staff at a district office the week of February 18. Please rsvp for the lobby day by February 8. Space for the lobby day is very limited. If you are interested in participating or want more information on district visits, please call or email Jennifer Seltzer Stitt at (202) 822-6700 x15 or jstitt@famm.org. Sincerely yours, Jennifer Seltzer Stitt FAMM Federal legislative director
Location: 
Washington, DC
United States

Good Guys, Bad Guys: Bills Filed to Improve or Worsen Crack Cocaine Sentencing

There are "good guys" and "bad guys" in Congress. More accurately, perhaps, there are members of Congress who do good things at least some of the time, and members of Congress who do bad things some of the time. Among the latest good guys are Rep. Sheila Jackson-Lee, Democrat of Texas, and 32 cosponsors of her bill H.R. 4545, the "Drug Sentencing Reform and Cocaine Kingpin Trafficking Act of 2007," introduced 12/13. H.R. 4545 would ameliorate some of the atrocity that is federal mandatory minimum sentencing by reducing crack cocaine penalties to equal those existing for powder cocaine. The Supreme Court ruling and the Sentencing Commission recommendations that came down recently don't help with the mandatory minimums, but only help with sentencing guidelines cases. The bill also includes language intended to focus federal drug enforcement activity on high-level players instead of small-timers as they do now. One of the latest bad guys is Rep. Lamar Smith, Republican also of Texas, the sponsor of H.R. 4842, introduced 12/19, a nasty bill to reverse the Sentencing Commission's positive ruling in favor of making the recent crack sentencing reductions retroactive. Smith only has eight cosponsors, as compared with Jackson-Lee's 32, and Jackson-Lee has the chairman of the subcommittee of Judiciary that would consider it, Bobby Scott (D-VA). I don't see John Conyers (D-MI) on there yet, the chairman of the Judiciary Committee itself, but he's just as much on our side as Scott is. I don't think Smith has much of a chance on this one, but you never know. Jackson-Lee has been a strong support of our efforts repealing the Higher Education Act's drug provision, and spoke at our 2005 press conference:
Location: 
Washington, DC
United States

Drug War Chronicle Book Review: "Snitch: Informants, Cooperators, and the Corruption of Justice," by Ethan Brown (2007, Public Affairs Press, 273 pp., $25.95 HB)

When a Baltimore hustler clothing line manufacturer and barber named Rodney Bethea released a straight-to-DVD documentary about life on the mean streets of West Baltimore back in 2004 in a bid to further the hip-hop careers of some of his street-savvy friends, he had no idea "Stop Fucking Snitching, Vol. I" (better known simply as "Stop Snitching") would soon become a touchstone in a festering conflict over drugs and crime on the streets of America and what to do about it.

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In a steadily rising crescendo of concern that reached a peak earlier this year when CBS' 60 Minutes ran a segment on the stop snitching phenomenon, police, politicians and prosecutors from across the country, but especially the big cities of the East Coast, lamented the rise of the stop snitching movement. Describing it as nothing more than witness intimidation by thugs out to break the law and get away with it, they charged that "stop snitching" was perverting the American justice system.

Not surprisingly, the view was a little different from the streets. Thanks largely to the war on drugs and the repressive legal apparatus ginned up to prosecute it, the traditional mistrust of police and the criminal justice system by poor, often minority, citizens has sharpened into a combination of disdain, despair, and defiance that identifies snitching -- or "informing" or "cooperating," if one wishes to be more diplomatic -- as a means of perpetuating an unjust system on the backs of one's friends and neighbors.

At least that's the argument Ethan Brown makes rather convincingly in "Snitch." According to Brown, the roots of the stop snitching movement can be traced directly to the draconian drug war legislation of the mid-1980s, when the introduction of mandatory minimums and harsh federal sentencing guidelines -- five grams of crack can get you five years in federal prison -- led to a massive increase in the federal prison population and a desperate scramble among low-level offenders to do anything to avoid years, if not decades, behind bars.

The result, Brown writes, has been a "cottage industry of cooperators" who will say whatever they think prosecutors want to hear and repeat their lies on the witness stand in order to win a "5K" motion from prosecutors, meaning they have offered "substantial assistance" to the government and are eligible for a downward departure from their guidelines sentence. Such practices are perverse when properly operated -- they encourage people to roll over on anyone they can to avoid prison time -- but approach the downright criminal when abused.

And, as Brown shows in chapter after chapter of detailed examples, abuse of the system appears almost the norm. In one case Brown details, a violent cooperator ended up murdering a well-loved Richmond, Virginia, family. In another, the still unsolved death of Baltimore federal prosecutor Richard Luna, the FBI seems determined to obscure the relationship between Luna and another violent cooperator. In still another unsolved murder, that of rapper Tupac Shakur, Brown details the apparent use of snitches to frame a man authorities suspect knows more about the killing than he is saying. In perhaps the saddest chapter, he tells the story of Euka Washington, a poor Chicago man now doing life in prison as a major Iowa crack dealer. He was convicted solely on the basis of uncorroborated and almost certainly false testimony from cooperators.

The system is rotten and engenders antipathy toward the law, Brown writes. The ultimate solution, he says, is to change the federal drug and sentencing laws, but he notes how difficult that can be, especially when Democrats are perpetually fearful of being Willy Hortoned every time they propose a reform. The current glacial progress of bills that would address one of the most egregious drug war injustices, the crack-powder cocaine sentencing disparity, is a sad case in point.

Brown addresses the quickness with which police and politicians blamed the stop snitching movement for increases in crime, but calls that a "distraction from law enforcement failures." It's much easier for cops and politicians to blame the streets than to take the heat for failing to prosecute cases and protect witnesses, and it's more convenient to blame the street than to notice rising income equality and a declining economy.

While Brown doesn't appear to want to throw the drug war baby out with the snitching bathwater, he does make a few useful suggestions for beginning to change the way the drug war is prosecuted. Instead of blindly going after dealers by weight, he argues, following UCLA professor Mark Kleiman, target those who engage in truly harmful behavior. That will not only make communities safer by ridding them of violent offenders, it will reduce the pressure to cooperate by low-level offenders as police attention and resources shift away from them.

Cooperating witnesses also need greater scrutiny, limits need to be put on 5K motions, cooperator testimony must be corroborated, and perjuring cooperators should be prosecuted, Brown adds. Too bad he doesn't have much to say about what to do with police and prosecutors who knowingly rely on dishonest snitches.

"It was never meant to intimidate people from calling the cops," Rodney Bethea said of his DVD, "and it was never directed at civilians. If your grandmother calls the cops on people who are dealing drugs on her block, she's supposed to do that because she's not living that lifestyle. When people say 'stop snitching' on the DVD, they're referring to criminals who lead a criminal life who make a profit from criminal activities... What we're saying is you have to take responsibility for your actions. When it comes time for you to pay, don't not want to pay because that is part of what you knew you were getting into in the first place. Stop Snitching is about taking it back to old-school street values, old-school street rules."

Playing by the old-school rules would be a good thing for street hustlers. It would also be a good thing for the federal law enforcement apparatus. It's an open question which group is going to get honorable first.

Feature: Pressure Mounts on Congress As Supreme Court, Sentencing Commission Both Act to Cut Crack Cocaine Sentences

Both the US Supreme Court and the US Sentencing Commission acted this week to redress inequities in the sentencing of federal crack cocaine defendants, but changes in sentencing will be only marginal unless Congress acts to amend or undo the minimum sentences it has mandated for crack. Several bills to do so are pending, but Congress has yet to act on them.

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Karen Garrison, with picture of sons Lawrence & Lamont, innocent students convicted for crack and powder cocaine conspiracy (picture from sentencingproject.org)
Still, the harsh crack cocaine sentencing policies that have been in place for more than two decades took a one-two punch this week. On Monday, the Supreme Court upheld a sentencing decision by a federal district court judge to sentence a crack defendant to a sentence well below the federal sentencing guidelines. The following day, the Sentencing Commission announced that its earlier decision to scale down crack sentences would apply to nearly 20,000 federal inmates doing time on crack charges.

In the Supreme Court, the justices voted 7-2 to allow federal judges discretion to sentence offenders to prison terms well below the punishment range set by federal sentencing guidelines. The ruling came in a pair of cases, Kimbrough v. US and Gall v. US. The decisions offer important guidance to federal judges who have been wrestling with sentencing issues since the Supreme Court in 2005 held that federal sentencing guidelines were no longer mandatory, but only advisory.

In the first case, the trial judge sentenced convicted crack dealer Derrick Kimbrough to 10 years for his drug offense even though the guidelines called for a 14-to-17 1/2 year sentence. That judge called the guidelines "ridiculous" and "clearly inappropriate" when applied to Kimbrough. A federal appeals court in Richmond vacated the sentence, declaring that a sentence so far beneath the guidelines was unreasonable. But the Supreme Court disagreed.

"The district court properly homed in on the particular circumstances of Kimbrough's case and accorded weight to the Sentencing Commission's consistent and emphatic position that the crack/powder disparity is at odds with [the federal sentencing law]," wrote Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg for the majority.

In her opinion in Kimbrough, Justice Ginsburg noted the ongoing controversy over the crack-powder cocaine sentencing disparity -- it takes 100 times as much powder cocaine as crack cocaine to trigger mandatory minimum sentences -- and wrote that judges could keep that in mind when sentencing crack defendants. "Given all this," she wrote, "it would not be an abuse of discretion for a district court to conclude when sentencing a particular defendant that the crack/powder disparity yields a sentence greater than necessary."

In the second case, Brian Gall had been sentenced to probation for his role in an ecstasy distribution ring while he was a college student. The judge in the case cited Gall's brief participation in the scheme and his law-abiding life since then in departing from the sentencing guidelines, which called for three years in prison. That sentence was vacated by a federal appeals court in St. Louis, which held that Gall's punishment was unreasonably light. The sentencing judge must show extraordinary circumstances to justify such a sentence, the appeals court held. That's not necessary, the Supreme Court held.

"An appellate court may take the degree of variance into account and consider the extent of deviation from the guidelines, but it may not require 'extraordinary' circumstances or employ a rigid mathematical formula," wrote Justice John Paul Stevens for the majority.

The appeals court "failed to give due deference to the district court's reasoned and reasonable sentencing decision," Stevens wrote.

Taken together, the two Monday decision create a new, tougher standard for appeals courts to overturn judges' sentencing decisions. Now, the appeals court must find that a particular sentence is unreasonable and that the judge abused his or her discretion in evaluating the factors that led to that sentence.

"The cases are the clearest and strongest rulings to date that federal trial judges can exercise their discretion to take their sentencing responsibilities seriously again," said Carmen Hernandez, president of the National Association of Criminal Defense lawyers (NACDL). "There is no doubt left that an inappropriate guidelines calculation is open to challenge -- individually, as imposed in a particular case, and categorically, where the Commission has not followed Congress' command that a sentence be 'sufficient, but not greater than necessary.'"

"At a time of heightened public awareness regarding excessive penalties and disparate treatment within the justice system, today's ruling affirming judges' sentencing discretion is critical," said Marc Mauer, executive director of The Sentencing Project. "Harsh mandatory sentences, particularly those for offenses involving crack cocaine, have created unjust racial disparity and excessive punishment for low-level offenses."

"This decision makes it clear that federal judges have a right to vote their conscience and ignore sentencing guidelines that are racist, unfair or cruel," said Bill Piper, director of national affairs for the Drug Policy Alliance. "The ruling will reduce racial disparities in the criminal justice system and hopefully send a message to federal prosecutors that they should stop wasting resources on nonviolent, low-level crack cocaine offenders and focus on taking down organized crime syndicates instead."

On Tuesday, it was the Sentencing Commission's turn to take a whack at crack sentences. In November, the commission amended the crack sentencing guidelines to reduce average sentences from 10 years and one month to eight years and 10 months, but a key question for activists, reformers, and prisoners and their families was whether the change in the guidelines would be retroactive. On Tuesday, the commission announced they would be.

"Retroactivity of the crack cocaine amendment will become effective on March 3, 2008," the commission said. "Not every crack cocaine offender will be eligible for a lower sentence under the decision. A federal sentencing judge will make the final determination of whether an offender is eligible for a lower sentence and how much that sentence should be lowered. That determination will be made only after consideration of many factors, including the Commission's direction to consider whether lowering the offender's sentence would pose a danger to public safety. In addition, the overall impact is anticipated to occur incrementally over approximately 30 years, due to the limited nature of the guideline amendment and the fact that many crack cocaine offenders will still be required under federal law to serve mandatory five- or ten-year sentences because of the amount of crack involved in their offense."

"At its core, this question is one of fairness," said one commission member, Judge William K. Sessions III of the United States District Court in Vermont. "This is an historic day. This system of justice is, and must always be, colorblind."

With retroactivity, some 19,500 currently imprisoned crack offenders will be able to apply for sentence reductions. According to the commission, eligible prisoners can expect an average sentence reduction of 17%, and some 3,800 prisoners will be eligible for but not assured of release by the end of 2008. But, the commission emphasized, reductions will ultimately be up to sentencing judges, who will have wide discretion in deciding who will be granted leniency.

Senator Edward Kennedy (D-MA), chairman of the Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, said he was pleased with the commission's action. "Nearly 20,000 nonviolent, low-level drug offenders will be eligible for a reduction in the excessive prison terms they received in the past because of the unacceptable disparity in the sentencing guidelines between crack cocaine and powder cocaine offenses," Kennedy said. "Those who break the law deserve to be punished, but our system says that punishment must be proportionate and fair. The current sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine is neither."

"The Sentencing Commission made the tough but fair decision to remedy injustice, showing courage and leadership in applying the guideline retroactively. Clearly, justice should not turn on the date an individual is sentenced," said Julie Stewart, president and founder of Families Against Mandatory Minimums. "Retroactivity of the crack guideline not only affects the lives of nearly 20,000 individuals in prison but that of thousands more -- mothers, fathers, daughters and sons -- who anxiously wait for them to return home," said Stewart.

But while both the Supreme Court and the Sentencing Commission have acted to reduce the harsh and disparate sentences meted out to crack offenders, congressionally-imposed mandatory minimum sentences for such offenses mean that these actions will only have a marginal impact on the length of sentences and the federal prison population. Only Congress can adjust those mandatory minimum sentences.

As one commission member, Judge Ruben Castillo of the US District Court for the Northern District of Illinois, noted, the commission has recommended since 1995 that Congress act to redress the sentencing disparity. "No one has come before us to justify the 100-to-1 ratio," Judge Castillo said, referring to the provision of federal law that imposes the same 10-year minimum sentence for possessing 50 grams of crack and for possessing 5,000 grams of powder cocaine.

Four bills have been introduced in Congress to reduce the crack/powder cocaine disparity -- two by Democrats and two by Republicans. Two of the bills, introduced by Republican Senators Jeff Sessions from Alabama and Orrin Hatch from Utah, reduce the disparity but do not eliminate it. The third bill, introduced by Democratic Senator Joe Biden from Delaware, would completely eliminate the disparity. The Senate is expected to have hearings on the legislation in February. Democratic Representative Charles Rangel from New York has introduced the only bill on the House side that would eliminate the disparity by equalizing the sentences for crack and powder cocaine at the current level of powder. The Senate is set to have hearings on the issue early next year. No hearings have been scheduled in the House, and supporters of eliminating the disparity say House Democrats are ignoring the issue.

"The biggest obstacle to eliminating the racist crack/powder disparity is not the Bush Administration or law enforcement, it's the House Democratic leadership," said Piper, who noted that House Democratic leaders had reportedly barred committees from dealing with the issue. "While the Supreme Court, the Sentencing Commission and Senate Democrats and Republicans push forward with reform, House Democrats won't even have hearings on the issue. Their silence on this issue is sending a signal to communities across the country that they don't care about reducing racial disparities."

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